Categorical Terrorism_Goodwin
.pdf2036 * SocialForcesVolume84, Number4 * June2006
does seem to be a huge "socialdistance"separatingthose revolutionarieswho practice categoricalterrorism(andthose theyclaimto speakfor),on the one hand,andtheircivilian targets,onthe otherThe.conflictsinFrenchAlgeria,Palestine/Israel,SriLankaandChechnya
wereorarecharacterized |
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power,ethnicity |
andreligion.
Nonetheless,the social-polarizationtheoryof terrorismis plaguedby a numberof
To |
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begin |
"enduringgrievances" |
betweengroupsthatareinfactfunctionallyindependent,groupsthatdo notcooperatewith one anothereconomically,politically,militarilyorotherwise?(Senechalde laRoche1996:111)
Indeed,wouldnotfunctional violencebetweengroupsby independenceactuallydiscourage
makingit difficultforone groupto plausiblyblamethe otherforits grievances?Ifmyown livelihoodreallydoes notdependinanyway on some othergroup,whywouldIcareif its membershavemoremoneythanme or dress differentlyor do not recognizeme on the street?Extremelysociallydistantgroupscare littleaboutone another,so why wouldone blamethe otherforits ills,letaloneattackit?
Proponentsof the social-polarizationthesis arevagueaboutthe preciseformsof social distancethatencourageextremehatred,moralrepulsionor at least callousindifference between groups- sentimentsthat would seem to be necessaryfor groupsto support terroristviolenceagainstcivilians.Theyspeakinverygeneraltermswhendescribingthegoals
of revolutionarygroups,andtheysay virtuallynothingaboutthe strategicgoals of terrorist
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of employingothermeansto attaintheirgoals.Willjustanytypeof "enduringgrievances"
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encourageterrorism? Finally,therehaveinfactbeensituationsinwhichgroupshavemassacredpeoplewhoare
JanGross(2001),forexample,recounts neighbors.
howtheChristianresidentsofthe PolishtownofJedwabnebrutallyandindiscriminatelykilled theirJewishneighbors(orstood bysilently)inJuly1941- 1,600men,womenandchildren
inall.3 to at leastone (non-Jewish)resident,theJews ofJedwabnewere Previously,according
"ongood termswiththe Poles.Dependingon each other.Everybodywas on a first-name basis,Janek,Icek... Lifeherewas, Iwouldsay,somehow idyllic."(Gross2001:18)There seem to have been extensiveeconomic relationsbetween Jedwabne'sJewish and nonJewish residents(most Jews were craftsmenand merchants),as well as considerable residentialintegration.
A Theory of Categorical Terrorism |
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aforementionedtheories generallydo not examine.Yet, clearly,revolutionariesdo not indiscriminatelyattackjustanyciviliansornoncombatantsIndeed,. revolutionariesarealso
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Such complicitousciviliansare akinto what CharlesTillycalls "politymembers,"that is,
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Theprecisecategoriesof civiliansthatrevolutionariesview as complicitousdependon |
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howrevolutionariesconstruetheextant |
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typesof complicitousciviliansaregenerallyassociatedwithdifferentregimetypes(see Table 4). Preciselyhow revolutionariesconstrueor sociallyconstructpoliticalregimes, hence complicitouscivilians,is a complexprocess,one thatdepends,amongotherthings,on an organization'sideology,collectivememoryandpracticalexperience(as filteredthroughits
ideology). One group might view the United States, for example, as |
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wealthybusinesspeople complicitous. |
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some Palestiniansbelievethat IsraeliJewish settlers in the West Bankand Gazaarethe
complicitousciviliansof a settlerregime,whileotherPalestiniansbelievethatallIsraeliJews, includingJews livingwithinIsrael'spre-1967borders,arethecomplicitousciviliansof a settler regime,understoodina verydifferentsense. Inanyevent,one willnotbe ableto understand
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Table4: |
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Terrorism: |
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Civilians" |
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Targets |
Categorical |
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Howdo revolutionariesconstruethe extantpoliticalregime? |
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Autocracy |
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2038 * SocialForcesVolume84, Number4 * June2006
Butwhyindiscriminatelyattackorthreatencomplicitouscivilians?Toanswerthisquestion, we needto understandnotonlyhow revolutionariessociallyconstructspecificciviliansas
enemiesbutalsohowtheyweighthe costs andbenefitsof violentlyattackingsuchenemies once they havebeen defined.What,then, arethe potentialstrategicbenefitsof terrorist
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attacksagainstcomplicitouscivilians?Themainstrategicobjective |
the primaryincentive |
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categorical |
complicitous |
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demand changes in, certaingovernmentpolicies or the governmentitself. Categorical
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Researchonterrorism |
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objectivesbehindindiscriminateattackson complicitouscivilians,including:
*Toprovokea violentoverreactionby thegovernmentagainstthe revolutionariesandtheirpresumedsupporters,ultimatelybenefiting therevolutionaries
*Toundermineeffortsat peace or reconciliationbetween the
competing oppositional groups, ultimately benefitingtherevolutionaries
* Toattract,retainand/orboost the moraleof revolutionariesand supporters
*Toavenge specificacts forwhichcomplicitousciviliansareheld responsible
*Toseize orrecoverterritoryfromthegovernment
Thefactthata groupormovementmayhaveone ormoreof these strategicobjectivesor incentivesdoes not automatically"cause"categoricalterrorismWhether.such goals will actuallyinducerevolutionariesto adopta strategyof categoricalterrorismdepends on a number of other factors, includingwhether revolutionariesbelieve they have the organizationaland technicalcapacityto wage an effectivecampaignof terrorismMore. generally,the strategicchoice of revolutionariesto employcategoricalterrorismis much complicatedbythe factthatthisstrategyalso has manypotentialcosts as wellas benefits.
Researchon terrorism |
thatthereare severalreasons |
why |
revolutionaries |
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*Complicitousciviliansmaybe potentialmembersoralliesof the revolutionarymovement.
*Nonviolentappealsorprotestsmayinfluencecomplicitouscivilians moreeffectivelythanthreatsorviolence.
*Terrorismmayangeror repel the membersorsupportersof the revolutionarymovement.
*Terrorismmayharmorpreventallianceswithactuallyorpotentially
sympatheticthirdparties.
*Terrorismmayprovokestaterepressionforwhichtherevolutionaries willbe blamedbytheirconstituents.
*Terrorismmayprovokestaterepressionthatwillseverelyweakenor evendestroytherevolutionarymovementitself
Becausethereareoftenverygood reasonsto employand rejecta strategyof terrorism, revolutionariesusuallyconfronta numberof "strategicdilemmas."(Jasper2004:7-10)There maybe no simplesolutionto these dilemmas,becauserevolutionariesmayhaveimperfect
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Terrorism* 2039 |
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Theory |
Categorical |
informationaboutthe politicalregime,complicitousciviliansor even theirown presumed constituents,andthuscannoteasilypredictreactionsto terrorismBecause.these dilemmas are notalwayseasilyresolved,moreover,they do notclearlydirectrevolutionariesalonga particularlineof action.Thismayhelpaccountforthe sheerunpredictabilityof some terrorist attacksas wellas the seemlyquixoticorself-defeatingcharacterof others.
Onestrategicdilemma,whichJasperlabels"naughtyor nice"(2004:9),has to do with whethercollectiveactionis moreeffectivewhen itinvolvesfriendlypersuasionorcoercion. Forrevolutionaries,one concernis whethercomplicitouscivilianswillbe moreeffectively influencedby nonviolentappealsorprotestsorbyviolenceandthreats.Nonviolentappeals
arerelativelycheap,butthey maynotwork;andviolence,even when efficientlyexecuted, maybackfire,inducingcomplicitouscivilians,forexample,notto pressure"their"government to changeits ways butto redoubletheirsupportforit.Theless familiarrevolutionariesare withtheculturalbeliefsandassumptionsof complicitouscivilians(i.e.,thegreaterthecultural distancebetweenthese groups),the morelikelytheyareto strategicallymiscalculate.
Anotherstrategicdilemma,whichJaspercalls"reachingoutorreachingin,"concernsthe "issueof whetherto playto insideoroutsideaudiencesonce theyaredefined."(2004:10)As notedabove,one reasonwhyrevolutionarygroupssometimesemployterrorismto attract, retainand/orboostthe moraleof activists,butthismayonlyserveto alienatepotentialallies. Onthe otherhand,heedingsuchalliesandrejectingterrorismmayunderminethe moraleof activistsandrisklosingthe politicalinitiativeto moreviolentorganizations(Bloom2005:chap. 4). Thisdilemmais evidentamongPalestiniangroups.TerrorismagainstIsraeliJews has sometimes won the approvalof manyPalestinians(andotherArabs),but at the cost of alienatingpotentialalliesoutsidethe MiddleEast.5
Revolutionaries'calculationsaboutwhethertheyshouldemploycategoricalterrorismas a strategyarenotmadeina vacuum,outsideof anysocial,politicalorculturalcontext.Atheory of categoricalterrorismneeds to specifythe keycontextualfactorsthatcreateincentivesor disincentivesforrevolutionariesto engage insuchterrorismSometimes.these factorspull
in both directions,but sometimes they may convincerevolutionariesthattheirstrategic dilemmasmaybe moreorless adequatelyresolvedbya consistentcourseof action.
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failureorrefusalto drawa moral,affectiveoreven conceptualdistinctionbetweena hated politicalregimeand"its"citizensorsome subsetofthem.Factorsthatbrightenthisdistinction discourageterrorismbydissociatingciviliansfromthetargetedregimeanditspolicies.
Mytheoryproposesthatthreekeycontextualfactorsstronglyinfluencethe decisionof revolutionarieseitherto employornotto employcategoricalterrorism(see Table5).First,and most importantly,terrorismis encouragedwhen revolutionariesperceive that certain categoriesof civilians- complicitouscivilians- benefitfrom,support,demandortolerate extensiveandindiscriminatestateviolenceorstateterrorismagainstthe revolutionariesand
theirpresumedconstituents.Thisperceptionis moreor less stronglyencouragedbythe
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practicesthat (a) blurthe boundariesbetween the governmentand these complicitous civilians(e.g.,elections)and/or(b)blurthe boundariesbetweenthe militaryandcomplicitous civilians(e.g., universalconscription)In. other words, practicesthat tend to elide the distinctionbetween state and citizen, on the one hand, or between combatantand noncombatant,on the other,also tend to elide the willingness or even capacityof revolutionaries(andothers)to makemoral,affectiveoreven cognitivedistinctionsbetween
these categories.
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Table5: |
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Revolutionaries'Useof |
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Terrorism |
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segregation)
I notedearlierthat revolutionarygroupsthat haveemployeda strategyof categorical terrorismareusuallydrawnfrom,andclaimto acton behalfof,populationsthathavesuffered extensiveandoften indiscriminatestate repression(inFrenchAlgeria,the West Bankand Gaza,SriLankaandChechnya)In. eachof these cases, moreover,therewas oris a perception bythe revolutionariesof substantialciviliansupportfor(ortolerationof)thatrepression(by Europeansettlers,Israelis,SinhaleseandRussians,respectively)Indeed,. the governments that carriedout the repressionin these cases had a substantialmeasureof democratic legitimacyamongcomplicitouscivilians;some stilldo. Democraticrightsandinstitutionsare ofteneffectiveat creatingthe impression(especiallyat some socialdistance)of substantial solidaritybetween citizensand "their"states. When extensive and indiscriminatestate violenceis seen to be supportedbyciviliansand/ororchestratedbydemocraticallyelected governments,itis hardlysurprisingthatrevolutionarieswouldtendto viewbothrepressive states and the civilianswho seem to stand behindthose states as legitimatetargetsof counter-violence,typicallyjustifiedas "self-defense."Noris itsurprisingthatretributionfor such violencewouldbe directedat civiliansas well as at the state's armedforces.Andit
wouldalso be reasonableunderthese circumstancesfor revolutionariesto concludethat
attackingciviliansmightcause the latterto put substantialpressureon "their"states to changetheirways. Extensivestate ("wholesale")terrorismbegets extensiveoppositional ("retail")terrorism,in other words, only when there exists a citizenrywith significant
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2005,Goodwin |
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A second contextualfactorthatencouragescategoricalterrorismis the existenceof a |
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because of theirwealthand/orpoliticalstatus).Hence,categoricalterrorismis muchmore likelywhenanentireethnicgroupornationalityis viewedby revolutionariesas complicitous as compared,forexample,to a smallsocialclass orthe croniesof anautonomous,"above class"dictatorAnd,. infact,allmajorcases of categoricalterrorismseem to haveentailedthe
use of violenceandthreatsagainsta largeethnicornational group.
Thisfactorhelpsto explainwhythe SandinistaFrontinNicaraguacarriedoutvirtuallyno terrorismduringtheirarmedconflictwiththe personalisticSomozadictatorship,anotherwise
bloodyinsurgencyduringwhichsome 30,000peoplewere killed(Booth1985).Complicitous civiliansin this context consisted of a tiny numberof Somoza croniesand a loyalelite
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peasant |
bourgeoisopponents, |
were viewed bythe Sandinistasas potentialallies,and indeedmanywouldbecome such (Everingham1996).Hadthe Somozadictatorshipbeen supportedby moreor largersocial strataorbya particularethnicgroupof substantialsize,the Sandinistaswouldundoubtedly haveengagedinmorecategoricalterrorismagainstthese groups.
Thethirdmaincontextualfactorthatencouragesterrorismis a particulartypeof "social distance,"namely,theweaknessorabsenceof politicalalliancesbetweenrevolutionariesand theirpresumedconstituentsandcomplicitousciviliansIn.fact,whereone findsthistypeof politicaldistanceas wellas mass-supportedstateviolence,ideologiesand/orculturalidioms thatdepictcomplicitousciviliansas blameworthyandperhapseveninherentlyevilareespecially likelyto resonateamongthe victimsof thatviolence.Simplyput,these victimswillnothave experiencedanypositivepoliticalinteractionswithcomplicitousciviliansto weighagainstthe palpableevilthatthelatterareseento countenanceordirectlyperpetrateThere. hasinfactbeen a hugepoliticaldistanceinthisparticularsense- separatingthoserevolutionarieswhopractice categoricalterrorism(andthosetheyclaimto speakfor)andtheirciviliantargets.
By contrast,categoricalterrorismis discouragedwhen there are significantpolitical alliancesorformsof cooperationbetweenrevolutionariesandcomplicitouscivilians(For. a similarargumentaboutethnicrioting,see Varshney2002.)Inotherwords,whenrevolutionary groupsand theirconstituentshave a historyof collaboratingpoliticallywith significant numbersof complicitouscivilians,they are not likelyto classifycomplicitousciviliansas enemies. To attacksuch civiliansindiscriminatelywould jeopardizepoliticallyvaluable alliancesandthe resourcesandlegitimacyattachedto them.
I believethatthis lastfactoris extremelyimportantfor understandingwhythe ANCin SouthAfricarejecteda strategyof categoricalterrorismThe.ANCeschewed this strategy even thoughthe apartheidregimethatit soughtto toppleemployedveryextensivestate violenceagainstitsopponents.Thisviolence,moreover,was clearlysupported(ortolerated) by largesegments of the white, especiallyAfrikaner,population.The NationalistParty governmentsthatunleashedthe securityforcesagainstthe regime'senemieswere elected bythe whitepopulationSo. whydidthe ANCadhereto an ideologyof "multiracialism"and refuseto view whites as such as enemies?The answerlies, I believe,in the ANC'slong
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as with Indianand "colored"(mixedrace)SouthAfricansinthe anti-apartheidstruggle.
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which,amongotherthings,was essentialforsecuringsubstantialSovietaidforthe ANC.In sum, given the long-standingmultiracial- includinginternational- supportfor the anti-
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as benefitingfrom,supportingand/orhavinga substantialcapacityto influencestates that employextensive, indiscriminateviolenceagainstrevolutionariesand theirconstituents.
However,if revolutionariesperceivesignificantnumbersof these "complicitouscivilians"as actualor potentialsupporters(oras capableof beinginfluencedby nonviolentappealsor protests),then they willnot be attacked.Whetherspecific categoriesof civilianswill be
2042 * SocialForcesVolume84, Number4 * June2006
perceivedas potentialalliesby revolutionariesdepends mainlyupona historyof political interactionandcooperation(orlackthereof)betweenthese civiliansandthe revolutionaries. Categoricalterrorism mostlikelywheretherehasbeenlittlesuchinteractionorcooperation, resultinginweakpoliticalalliancesbetweenthe revolutionariesandcomplicitousciviliansfor example,wherethe revolutionariesand complicitousciviliansspeak differentlanguages, practicedifferentreligions,claimthe same land,and/orareterritoriallysegregated.
Theessentialelementsofthistheorycanbe representedbymeansof a conceptualspace,
representedin 1.Thefirstvariableis a measureof the extentto whichrevolutionaries Figure
perceivecivilian for(and/ortolerationof)extensiveandindiscriminatestateviolence support
orstateterrorismagainstthemselvesandtheirconstituentsThis.variablecanbe saidto be "strong"ifstateviolenceis greatand revolutionariesbelievethatlargenumbersof civilians supportortolerateit.Thisvariablewouldbe "weak"if state violenceitselfis limitedor if revolutionariesbelievethatrelativelyfew civilianssupportit,howeverextensiveorlimitedthat
violencemaybe. Thesecond variableis the strengthof the cross-cuttingpoliticalalliances that connect (orfailto connect) revolutionariesand theirconstituentsand complicitous
civilians. |
terrorismoccurswhenandwhererevolutionaries |
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perceivestrong |
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support for extensive state |
violence and cross-cutting politicalties |
between the |
revolutionariesandcomplicitousciviliansareweak(i.e.,when revolutionarygroupsfallinto the upperleft regionof the conceptualspace in Figure1).Otherwise,revolutionarieswill adoptstrategiesof conventionaland/orguerrillawarfareand/ortargetedassassination.
Figure1.A Theoryof CategoricalTerrorism
Cross-cuttingpoliticalalliancesandlorcooperation
betweenrevolutionariesand complicitouscivilians
Weak
Strong
French Algeria
Perceivedciviliansupportfor Israel/Palestine extensivestate violenceagainst SriLanka revolutionariesandtheir Chechnya
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theory |
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whyal-Qa'idaandaffiliatedIslamistgroupshavecarriedoutextensivecategoricalterrorism,
theattacksof |
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11,2001.Ibelievethatitdoes.Tobe |
al-Qa'idaanditsaffiliates |
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terrorisminsofaras |
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practicedcategorical |
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al-Qa'idanot |
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theyrepresent genuinely |
revolutionary |
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onlyhas militantsin morethanone nationalsociety,whichis by no meansunusualamong revolutionarygroups,butit also opposes andseeks to overthrownotjustone, butseveral politicalorders(Gunaratna2002).Al-Qa'idaisalsounusualinsofaras ithasemployedextensive
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thecitizensof statesthatitis |
to influencebutnotoverthrow. |
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categorical |
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AI-Qa'idahas a pan-Islamicrevolutionaryproject,viewingitself as the vanguardand |
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Mindanao, |
wellas bythe "Zionistentity"in PalestineAnd.standingbehindthese regimes- and now
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otherWestern |
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proppinguprepressive, |
regimes |
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the fundamentalsourceof al-Qa'ida'sconflictwiththe UnitedStates.AI-Qa'idabelievesthat
untilthe U.S. |
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the "far |
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to end its |
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forthese |
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government |
enemy" |
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regimes |
enemy" |
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troops |
countries, |
struggles |
againstthese regimescannotsucceed(Anonymous2002,Doran2001).
Butwhy killordinaryAmericansinadditionto U.S.armedforces?Whywouldal-Qa'ida targetthe WorldTradeCenter,forexample,inadditionto U.S.militaryinstallations?Shortly after9/11, OsamabinLadendescribedthe rationaleforthe attacksinan interviewthatfirst
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attacksonthe |
U.S.... |
TheAmerican |
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carry |
revenge |
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themto Israel,whichtheyuse to killPalestinianMuslims.Giventhat |
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proves |
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entirety responsible |
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itis committingagainstMuslimsI.demandtheAmericanpeople to take note of their government'spolicy against Muslims. They describedtheirgovernment'spolicyagainstVietnamas wrong.They shouldnow takethesamestandthattheydidpreviouslyTheonusis onAmericanstopreventMuslimsfrombeingkilledat the handsof theirgovernment. (Quotedin Lawrence2005. 140-1.)6
BinLadenseems to be sayingherethat because the UnitedStates is, in his view, a genuinelyrepresentativedemocracy,ordinarycitizensareresponsiblefortheviolentactionsof "their"government(and,indirectly,of governmentssupportedbythe UnitedStates)inMuslim countries(WiktorowiczandKaltner2003:88-9)AI. -Qa'idaviewsordinaryAmericancitizensas complicitouscivilians- morallyculpableforthe U.S.-sponsored"massacres"of Muslimsina numberof countriesThis.ideawas alsoexpressedbyMohammadSidiqueKhan,one of the foursuicidebomberswho killedmorethan50 peopleinLondononJuly7, 2005.Ina videotape broadcastonal-Jazeeratelevisionon Sept. 1, 2005,Khansaid,"Yourdemocraticallyelected governmentscontinuouslyperpetuateatrocitiesagainstmypeopleallovertheworldAnd.your
supportof themmakesyoudirectlyresponsible,justas Iamdirectlyresponsibleforprotecting andavengingmyMuslimbrothersandsisters."(BBCNews2005)
Tobe sure,al-Qa'ida'sprecisestrategicgoalinattackingU.S.citizensremainsunclear:Was 9/11a reprisalformassacrescarriedoutorsupportedbythe UnitedStates?Was9/11 meant to "wakeup"Americansto whattheirgovernmentwas doinginthe Islamicworld,inthe hope thattheywouldforceitto changeits policies?Orwas the goalperhapsto provokea violent overreactionby the U.S.government,luringit intoAfghanistan,where it would become
2044 * SocialForcesVolume84, Number4 * June2006
boggeddown(liketheSovietUnionbeforeit)inan unwinnablewar?Orsome combinationof
these goals?Whatis certain,however,is al-Qa'ida'sbeliefthatitis logicalandindeedjustfor itto attackordinaryAmericansinorderto bringaboutchangein"their"government'spolicies.
As insimilarcases inwhichrevolutionarieshaveturnedto a strategyofterrorism,al-Qa'ida perceivesthatthe state violenceandoppressionwhichit and its constituentssufferhas widespreadciviliansupportinthe UnitedStates.Atthe sametime,al-Qa'idaandits Islamist sympathizersobviouslydo nothavethetypeof historyof politicalcollaborationwithAmerican citizenswhichmightleadthemto rejecta strategyof categoricalterrorism;language,religion andgeographyhavecreateda formidablechasmbetweenthetwo.Theconfluenceof these factors,as elsewhere, has stronglyencouraged,and continuesto terroriststrategyagainstthe UnitedStatesanditsallies.
Notes
1. Someauthorsseem to assumethatthetacticof suicidebombingis inherentlyterroristin nature(e.g., Bloom2005;Pape2005).Thisis incorrectSuicide.bombingsmayeitherbe partof a strategyof conventionalorguerrillawarfare(iftheyareaimedat militaryand/or
political ora strategyofterrorism(ifaimedatordinaryciviliansornoncombatants) targets)
(Goodwin2006).
2.Severalindiscriminatebombingswerecarriedout byANCcadresduringthe mid-1980s, contraryto ANCguidelines,butthese causedrelativelyfew casualtiesandwerepublicly denouncedbythe ANCleadershipThere. were also manyincidentsof violenceagainst cadres in ANCcamps outside of SouthAfrica,includingthe killingof dissidentsand presumeddissidents.Butthese were targetedkillings,not the kindof indiscriminate violencethatIwishto explaininthisarticle.
3.Of course, I do not mean to claimthat this massacreis an exampleof categorical terrorismIt.was notperpetratedbyanoppositionalpoliticalgroup;onthecontrary,itwas
encouraged by |
the |
governing |
Nazi |
occupation |
forces in Poland. |
the |
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Jedwabnemassacreis nota case of terrorismas Iam |
the |
it |
clearly |
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using |
term,although |
hasaffinitieswithterrorism,likeotherstate-sanctionedatrocities.
4.Mythanksto StevenLukesforsuggestingthisterm.
5.See the variouspollsconductedsince 1993 by the PalestinianCenterfor Politicaland SurveyResearch(http://www.pcpsr.org/index.html).
6.Priorto 9/11,ina December1998interviewthatappearedonal-Jazeeratelevision,binLaden remarked,"EveryAmericanis ourenemy,whetherhe fightsdirectlyorwhetherhe pays taxes.Perhapsyouhaveheardthe recentnewsthatthree-quartersof theAmericanpeople
supportClintoninattackingIraqThis. isa peoplewhosevotesarewonwheninnocentsdie, whose leadercommitsadulteryandgreatsins andthensees his popularityrise- a vile peoplewho haveneverunderstoodthe meaningof values."(quotedinLawrence2005:70)
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