Encyclopedia of Prehistory, Volume 4, Europe

stone, of similar diameter to brochs but lacking their height (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 108-109). The southwest has circular timber buildings strategically placed on artificial islands in lakes (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 110IlS); these crannogs also occur in north and northwestern Ireland, although there the majority are post-Roman (Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 82-85). Later in the period, one finds "wheelhouses", "a round hut with its roof supported on radial pillars like the spokes of a wheel"; these occur in the Scottish islands and parts of Ireland (Johnson 1982: 71). Yet another feature shared with Ireland-and parts of England-are the "souterrains", linear subterranean stone chambers either with roofs above ground, as in the east, or completely buried and hidden, as in the north; their purpose(s) is unclear but storage seems likely (Henderson 1967: 28; Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 115-116). Finally, Scotland has its share of hill and promontory forts, which may still be occupied at this time. A peculiar indigenous example is the "vitrified fort", where the ramparts of timber interlacing stone are set afire-whether intentionally or not is controversial (MacKie 1976: 203-210; Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 89-91).

CULTURAL SUMMARY

Environment

Modern British climate is wet and cool with rare extremes of temperature; it is debatable whether or not the climate of this period resembles today's (e.g., Reynolds 1981: 106; Turner 1981: 261), but there is no reason to suggest much difference. Although the whole area falls within in the British Highland Zone, it has its own relative distinctions, marked by tectonic faults that cross Scotland southwest-northeast. The fault crossing just north of Glasgow to just south of Aberdeen is the southern boundary of the North Highlands, mostly hardfired rock with mountainous blocks reaching 900 m or more; there is a tear fault through the center, creating Lochs Ness and Linnhe, and the area is "much dissected by rivers" (Rae and Brown 1966: 2-3). Certain sections like Aberdeenshire and the northern islands have been less resistant to erosion, creating (high) lowlands (Rae and Brown 1966: 6). Between the Glasgow-Aberdeen fault and one passing a few kilometers below Ayr to below Edinburgh, the Central Lowlands are basically "a plateau of moderate height" with some granite intrusions, covered with grassy moorlands and many rivers although fewer and smaller lakes (Rae and Brown 1966:

Romano-British 291

2-3, 7). The Southern Uplands are a strip some 80 km wide of hill groups, undulating plains, plateaus, and a few volcanic stumps (Rae and Brown 1966: 8-9). Much of Scotland seems to be deforested by this time, except in the southwest; the cause(s) may not always be anthropogenic, especially in the wind-ravaged areas of the north (Turner 1981: 272-274).

Settlements

Initially Scotland shows two basic settlement patterns. In the south, there seems a penchant for small agglomerations, with timber-framed huts unenclosed or enclosed by palisade or earthwork; these hamlets or villages are probably nondefensive in nature, although they can also be found within forts (Jobey 1976: 202; Whittington 1980: 36). Indeed, some hill-forts like Traprain Law and Eildon Hill North may have had dense populations, with almost 300 alleged "house sites" identified in the latter; Traprain and Eildon may serve as central places for the Votadini and Selgovae peoples, respectively (Johnson 1982: 73; Morrison 1983: 15). Most forts are small and would house only a few families (Morrison 1983: 14). The north is characterized by the solitary and decidedly defensive brochs and duns (Johnson 1982: 71). Solitude and defensiveness also characterize the crannogs of the southwest. After Roman arrival, the first change is abandonment of the hill-forts (MacKie 1976: 230); the noteworthy exception is Traprain Law, but its fortifications may well be disused by this time (Close-Brooks 1983: 215). By the 2d or 3d century (1900s/1800s B.P.), southern dwellings often gain stone foundations and sometimes adopt the Romans' rectangular architecture, although neither fashion seems to be picked up in the southwest (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 99). Southeastern prosperity may be indicated by aerial photography of the Solway Firth area, where sites seem to average 1,500 m2 and the average density is one site per 3.6 km2 ; of course, these sites are not dated and may not be contemporary (Potter and Johns 1992: 68). Change in the north comes in the 2d or 3d century with brochs and duns scavenged for wheelhouses that are built within or beside them (Henderson 1967: 22; Smyth 1984: 55).

A hierarchy might be constructed using single homesteads, agglomerations, and hill forts (Steer 1958: 101-103; Whittington 1980: 37), especially with some 3dcentury villages producing up to 40 huts (Steer 1958: 103), at least in the favored territory of the Votadini; but the anomalous Traprain seems the only hill fort persisting into our period, and farmsteads could easily have functional or personal reasons for being on their own.

292Romano-British

Indeed, it has been suggested that Scottish land patterns are geared toward supplying surplus for the Romans (Morrison 1983: 16). The isolated stone fortresses of the north and west do demonstrate a family or clan emphasis (Johnson 1982: 71), although even here the less hospitable nature of these highlands could provide a functional explanation for isolation, although not for defensiveness. The numerous unfortified towns near the Hadrian and Antonine Walls (Salway 1981: 612; Steer 1958: 109}--some covering 16 ha or more (Richmond 1958: 117)-seem to arise to service and exploit the military presence. Buildings privileged by size, style, or contents do not seem to have been discovered within the settlements. Therefore, apart from Traprain, the primary indication of personal power in the region seems to be the brochs and their massive construction, which might indicate elite ownership (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 104}--if subordinant settlements can be located.

distribution networks although Traprain has been called a "manufacturing and distribution centre" (Cunliffe 1988: 167). It is unclear what it is distributing, except for the distinctive glass bracelets that may be manufactured here; also Roman goods are found throughout the country, even the far north (Clarke 1958: 57; Cunliffe 1988: 167; Johnson 1982: 77). This could be from raiding, as was traditionally suggested, or it may show down-the-line exchange (Johnson 1982: 77); elite distribution of prestige goods is unlikely, because Roman luxury goods are not involved (Clarke 1958: 58). In the south, trade is allegedly transacted at fairs or periodic markets and includes both barter and monetary exchange, primarily for iron tools (Richmond 1958: 118). If so, it may be justified to assume relative selfsufficiency in other materials; perhaps the scattered clues for agriculture indicate pastoralists raising grain for their own and animals' purposes.

Economy

Most writers concur that the dominant economy in Roman-era Scotland was husbandry. Faunal studies show the usual European complement of sheep, cattle, horse, pig, and goat, and wool may have been an important trade item (Piggott 1958: 26-27; Salway 1981: 655-656; Whittington 1980: 38). Querns are noted everywhere, including the north; this is "not unequivocal evidence" of agriculture (Piggott 1958: 6), but it is buttressed by a few occasional clues, even from areas over 300 m (Whittington 1980: 38, 40). Fowler (1983: 77) notes an ecologically inexplicable rarity of settlements in the Perth-to-Aberdeen area, traditionally a producer of oats and barley, and suggests it may have filled the same function in this period, although recently Whittington and Edwards (1993) have argued against this. At any rate, iron plows are found in Scotland by the time of the conquest, and later iron-shod ards, asymmetric plows, and spades (Whittington 1980: 3839). Fields are notoriously difficult to date, but those linked with this period run about 20 m2 , often in clusters of up to 15 ha (Whittington 1980: 39).

As noted above, metalwork is sometimes quite expert and may be the work of specialists, although these seem to be concentrated at Traprain Law. Even at Traprain, the native pottery does not suggest skilled workers. Nor does Scottish architecture except for the brochs, which are so similar that they may have been built by one group of "itinerant professional engineers" (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 102). The native material culture does not seem sufficient to warrant official

Sociopolitical Organization

The composition and interrelations of Scottish polities or "tribes" of this period are pretty much a mystery. The two major tribes in the southern area, between the walls built by Hadrian (1878-1870 B.P.) and Antoninus Pius (c. 1860 B.P.), are the Selgovae and the Votadini, the latter seeming to enjoy a special relationship with the Romans (Frere 1987: 92, 135; Jobey 1976: 201; Johnson 1982: 72, 75-78); above the Antonine Wall are a number of tribes that apparently coalesce into the Caledonii and Maeatae by the 3d century (1700s B.P.), and are all called Picts in the 4th century (1600s B.P.) (Henderson 1967: 16-18; Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 159). The plethera of northern fortifications suggests that relationships are not cordial, although most true forts go out of use in this period, and even the brochs may have a prestige aspect (MacKie 1976: 230; Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 104-105, 118). Inhabitants often exhibit "considerable continuity" (Whittington 1980: 39), so changing names may result from changing alliances or changing attitudes in Rome.

Scattered clues like gold and bronze objects, and particularly the fine scabbards, offer evidence of wealthy individuals or tribes (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 118), but these people leave no trace in the architecture beyond the truism that fortresses require "a tremendous range of social investment" (Fowler 1983: 208). The southern forts may exploit their comparatively concentrated population, but where is the society that is investing in the brochs? Thus little can be said about social organization, except that the north does not appear very

organized while the south does, and that the south's organization does not involve noticeable inequality within settlements. Nonetheless, Scotland emerges from the Roman period with "kings" of some sort; among the Picts this does not seem to involve patrilineal succession (Henderson 1967: 31-32), which may indicate fluid structures. Some writers have extrapolated from comments by Bede to assume matrilineality, at least among Picts, at least among the royalty (Chadwick 1979: 118; Henderson 1967: 31), and this may be supported by the Irish annals (Henderson 1967: 32), but Smyth (1984: 6061) offers convincing arguments against this. Classical comments suggest polygamy among the northern tribes (Henderson 1967: 32).

Religion and Expressive Culture

Religion is even more of a blank than social structure. The areas around the walls exhibit the religious smorgasbord appropriate for the multiethnic legions and characteristic of the empire as a whole (Salway 1981: 683). Legionary cults include personifications of Britannia and Brigantia (the latter the tribe residing below Hadrian's Wall), as well as the local god Maponus, supposedly a British Apollo (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 138). Picts are known to have magicians or priests-as well as Christianity-by the 6th century (1400s B.P.), and this can probably be extrapolated back a century or two (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 170). Burial practices are not uniform, although inhumation is usual, either extended or flexed, including grave goods (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 98-99); the area of modern Angus has a particular tradition of cemeteries of burial mounds over central pits and enclosed by square ditches, which resemble practices in Yorkshire (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 99). Decorative traditions tend to follow La Hne motifs, usually if not exclusively on metals (Ritchie and Ritchie 1981: 119-120). The great crosses that have memorialized the Picts do not appear until after this period. Classical reports claim that Picts are fond of body painting ("Pict" means "painted one"), but there are some arguments against this (Henderson 1967: 33).

References

Chadwick, Nora (1979). The Celts. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. Clarke, John (1958). "Roman and Native, A.D. 80-122." In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed. I. A. Richmond. Edinburgh: Thomas

Nelson and Sons, 28-59.

Close-Brooks, Joanna (1983). "Dr Bersu's excavations at Traprain Law, 1947." In From the Stone Age to the "Forty-Five," ed.

Romano-British 293

A. O'Connor and D. V. Clarke. Edinburgh: John Donald, 206223.

Cunliffe, B. W. (1988). Greeks, Romans and Barbarians: Spheres of Interaction. New York: Methuen.

Feachem, Richard (1977). Guide to Prehistoric Scotland. 2d ed. London: B. T. Batsford.

Fowler, P. J. (1983). The Farming of Prehistoric Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Frere, Shepherd (1987). Britannia: a History of Roman Britain. 3d ed. London and Newyork: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Gillam, J. P. (1958). "Roman and Native, A.D. 122-197." In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed. I. A. Richmond. Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 60-90.

Henderson, Isabel (1967). The Picts. London: Thames and Hudson. Jobey, George (1976). "Traprain Law: A Summary." In Hillforts:

Later Prehistoric Earthworks in Britain and Ireland, ed. D. W. Harding. London: Academic Press, 191-204.

Johnson, S. (1982). Later Roman Britain. St. Albans: Granada Publishing.

MacKie, Euan W. (1976). "The Vitrified Forts of Scotland." In

Hillforts, Later Prehistoric Earthworks in Britain and Ireland, ed. D. W. Harding. London: Academic Press, 205-235.

Morrison, I. A. (1983). "Prehistoric Scotland." In An Historical Geography of Scotland, ed. G. Whyte and I. D. Whyte. London: Academic Press, 1-23.

Norman, E. R., and J. K. S. St. Joseph (1969). The Early Development of Irish Society: The Evidence of Aerial Photographs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Piggott, Stuart (1958). "Native Economies and the Roman Occupation of North Britain." In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed. I. A. Richmond. Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1-

27.

Potter, T. W., and Catherine Johns (1992). Roman Britain. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Rae, Gordon, and Charles E. Brown (1966). A Geography of Scotland, General and Regional. London: G. Bell and Sons.

Reynolds, Peter (1981). "Deadstock and Livestock." In Farming Practice in British Prehistory, ed. R. Mercer. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 97-122.

Richmond, I. A. (1958). "Roman and Native in the Fourth Century

A.D.,	and After."	In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed.
I. A.	Richmond.	Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 112-

130.

Ritchie, Graham, and Anna Ritchie (1981). Scotland, Archaeology and Early History. London: Thames and Hudson.

Salway, Peter (1981). Roman Britain. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Smyth, Alfred P. (1984). Warlords and Holy Men: Scotland A.D. 80-

1000. London: Edward Arnold.

Steer, K. A. (1958). "Roman and Native in North Britain: The Severan Reorganisation." In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed. I. A. Richmond. Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 91-

Ill.

Turner, J. (1981). "The Iron Age." In The Environment in British Prehistory, ed. I. Simmons and M. Tooley. London: Duckworth, 250-281.

Whittington, G. (1980). "Prehistoric Activity and Its Effect on the Scottish Landscape." In The Making of the Scottish Countryside, ed. M. L. Parry and T. R. Slater. London: Croom Helm, 23-44.

Whittington, G., and K. J. Edwards (1993). Ubi solitudinem faciunt pacem appel/ant: The Romans in Scotland, A Palaeoenvironmental Contribution." Britannia 24: 13-25.

294Romano-British

SITES

Camulodunum (Colchester)

TIME PERIOD: 2000-1500 B.P.

LOCATION: By the Colne river in southern East Anglia.

Camulodunum, many paved and ditched (Dunnett 1975: 39; Niblett 1985: 4-5).

Camulodunum seems the only town of size or wealth in the area and embraces possibly 20,000 people at its height (Dunnett 1975: 89; Frere 1987: 253). The extensive suburbs contained the rich and the poor as well as Sheepen's expanded industries (Dunnett 1975: 43; Niblett 1985: 23-24; Wacher 1989: 113). Other settlements seem to be poor small market centers (Dunnett 1975: 89, 92).

DESCRIPTIVE SUMMARY

Local Environment

A low chalk upland by Cambridge slopes east carrying little rivers into marshy land; here soil is mostly chalky clay with glacial gravel/sand along the rivers (Dunnett 1975: 1). Activity is centered on two gravel hills (Colchester and Sheepen) above the navigable Colne (Dunnett 1975: 23). Dunnett (1975: 3, 109) proposes numerous dense forests at the time of the conquest, although these decline.

Physical Features

C. 2000 B.P., a loose complex sprawls some 30 km2• There is an industrial enclave at Sheepen (Niblett 1985), a rich burial at Lexden (Foster 1986), an apparent royal homestead at Gosbecks (Hull 1958: 259-271), with many adjacent massive earthworks (Crummy 1993: 492; Dunnett 1975: 19-23). The main focus seems to be Sheepen, although this was not densely occupied (Dunnett 1975: 24; Niblett 1985: 23). After Roman conquest in A.D. 43 (1957 B.P.) a fort rises east of Sheepen and quickly transforms into a veteran settlement; as an official colonia this can appropriate much surrounding territory as smallholdings for colonists (Dunnett 1975: 46). Wattle-and-daub and part-masonry buildings pack the gridwork of streets, sometimes including painted plaster and roof tiles; there are many shops, and even mansions may include shops and/or workshops (Dunnett 1975: 49-50; 69-71). Public buildings are said to abound, including the rich temple of Claudius (see Drury 1984) and numerous temples and shrines within and outside the city (Dunnett 1975: 71, 81, 114-118) as well as a large theater (Crummy 1982). Camulodunum has the rare privilege of early earthwork city walls, which become grand masonry by mid-2d century (1800s B.P.) (Crummy 1977; Dunnett 1975: 53; Frere 1987: 239). Many streets have vaulted sewers and waterpipes (Dunnett 1975: 70-71). Roads radiated from

Cultural Aspects

After being lobbed between various regional conquerors, the Sheepen/Gosbecks complex become the royal seat of Cunobelin's southeastern empire around A.D. 7 (1993 B.P.; Dunnett 1975: 12-16). His kingdom and many of his victims exhibit more advanced technology (like wheelmade pottery) and more clear stratification (although few levels) than the rest of Britain (Dunnett 1975: 7-8). When Rome arrives, Camulodunum may serve briefly as administrative "capital" and seems to remain a regional center, although this is not documented (Dunnett 1975: 32,92). State-level inequality is obvious under Rome, seen here by differences in housing and burial, and the craft/merchant class seems to enjoy economic privileges (Dunnett 1975: 26, 70; Niblett 1985: 25-26). Religion and burial are as varied as elsewhere in the empire (e.g., Macdonald 1977).

Preconquest Sheepen shows signs of industry and coin minting, and the surrounding area seem to practice large-scale cereal production (Dunnett 1975: 13, 15, 120; Niblett 1985: 23). Roman Camulodunum shun industry within the walls, but initially Sheepen has metalworking, probable leather and bone work, enameling, and pottery and tile kilns, although these scatter after the Boudiccan rebellion (Niblett 1985: 23-26). Still, kilns and potteries surrounded the colonia, and nearby coastal salt production is thriving (Dunnett 1975: 125128; Richmond 1966: 84). Prosperity seems to last up to the end of the empire (Drury 1984: 31).

References

Crummy, Philip (1977). "Colchester: The Roman Fortress and the Development of the Colonia." Britannia 8: 65-105.

Crummy, Philip (1982). "The Roman Theatre at Colchester." Britannia 13: 299-303.

Crummy, Philip (1993). "Aristocratic Graves at Colchester." Current Archaeology II: 492-497.

Drury, P. J. (1984). "The Temple of Claudius at Colchester Reconsidered." Britannia 15: 7-50.

Dunnett, Rosalind (1975). The Trinovantes. London: Gerald Duckworth and Co.

Foster, Jennifer (1986). "The Lexden Tumulus: A Re-appraisal of an Iron Age Burial from Colchester, Essex." Oxford: British Archaeological Reports.

Frere, Shepherd (1987). Britannia: A History of Roman Britain. 3d ed. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Hull, M. R. (1958). Roman Colchester. Oxford: Society of Antiquaries. Macdonald, J. (1977). "Pagan Religions and Burial Practices in Roman Britain." In Burial in the Roman World, ed. R. Reece.

London: Council for British Archaeology, 35-38.

Niblett, Rosalind (1985). Sheepen: An Early Roman Industrial Site at Camulodunum. London: Council for British Archaeology.

Richmond, I. A. (1966). "Industry in Roman Britain." In The Civitas Capitals of Roman Britain, ed. J. S. Wacher. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 76-86.

Wacher, John (1989). "From the Second to Fourth Centuries." In

Research on Roman Britain: 1960-89, ed. M. Todd. London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies, 91-114.

Londinium (London)

TIME PERIOD: 2000-1500 B.P.

LOCATION: On the north bank of the Thames river in Southeast Britain.

DESCRIPTIVE SUMMARY

Local Environment

The original Roman settlement stretches some 134 ha along two low gravel plateaus, separated by the valley of the (former) Walbrook (Merrifield 1965: 85; Salway 1981: 593). The Thames at this time is broad, dotted with mud flats, and two sand islands line up crossing the river to the Roman (and the modern) London Bridge (Heard et al. 1990: 609). Chalk ridges surround London's basin (Merrifield 1974: 1). The predominant clay subsoil tends to waterlog although numerous spots are covered with light and farmable gravel/sand (Merrifield 1974: 1-2). Profligate use of ancient timbers at the waterfront suggests good forests nearby (Milne 1985: 66).

Physical Features

Ostensively vacant before the conquest (although see Merriman 1987), this may be the first bridgeable spot on the Thames, and Londinium germinated quickly here as

Romano-British 295

a multinational community apparently designed for commerce (Williams 1990: 600-603). Between the river and the market center (forum), the city is established in a grid with a principal east-west street, c. 9 m wide, endowed with hard gravel pavement and drainage ditch; the rest of the city spread unplanned (Marsden 1987: 17; Williams 1990: 600). Small connected properties show narrow fronts, sometimes with porticos, but stretch deep to the back (Marsden 1987: 3; Williams 1990: 603). The thin-graveled streets and some buildings are outfitted with drains, apparently feeding into the Walbrook, whose contamination may explain the presence of watersupply pipes (Selkirk and Selkirk 1995: 422). In keeping with its population (30,000?) and huge port, Londinium boasts "by far the largest civic centre in Roman Britain" (Marsden 1987: 4), not only the huge forum and basilica (meetinghouse), but also an amphitheater, a probable second market by the west wall, numerous temples, a grand arch and screen, and 3 km of stone walls by c. 200 A.D. (1800 B.P.) (Bateman 1994; Frere 1987: 253-254; Marsden 1987; Merrifield 1974: 58; Milne 1985: 27-28; Salway 1981: 232). The walls connect to an earlier fort (Merrifield 1974: 58-59).

Cultural Aspects

By the later 1st century (1900s B.P.), Londinium is already "a famous centre of commerce" (Tacitus Annals xiv.33 per Salway 1981: 582), yet few if any contemporary inscriptions refer to traders or merchants (Milne 1985: 146). This epitomizes the city's ambiguous role: neither a capital (until later) nor colony (although this is debated), yet large, modern, and busy. Its many industries include shipbuilding, goldsmithing, smallscale bronze and copper workshops, leatherwork, pottery, the state brickworks, a large donkey-powered mill, and numerous bakers (Merrifield 1974: 59-61; Richmond 1966: 79). A mint operates here toward the end of the period (Frere 1987: 201). The massive port steadily encroaching on the Thames implies heavy trade (Milne 1985). Early settlers include many immigrants, and their structures indicate poor and prosperous classes but few elites (Williams 1990: 601-605); Brigham (1990: 92) contends a later change from melting pot to fewer richer residents. A "governor's palace" of c. A.D. 100 (1900 B.P.) suggests that the highest provincial administration resides here (Marsden 1987: 76; Salway 1981: 156), and Salway (1981: 346) sees "a concentration of the new aristocracy" c. A.D. 300 (1700 B.P.). By this time, Londinium is indeed capital of part of the subdivided province and eventually becomes the center of the diocesan treasury (Salway 1981: 317).

296 Romano-British

References

Bateman, Nicholas (1994). "The London Amphitheatre." Current Archaeology 14, 5: 164-171.

Brigham, T. (1990). "A Reassessment of the Second Basilica in London, A.D. 100-400: Excavations at Leadenhall Court, 1984-86."

Britannia 21: 53-98.

Frere, Shepherd (1987). Britannia: A History of Roman Britain. 3d ed. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Heard, Kieron, Harvey Sheldon, and Peter Thompson (1990). "Mapping Roman Southwark." Antiquity 64: 608-619.

Marsden, Peter (1987). The Roman Forum Site in London: Discoveries before 1985. London: Museum of London.

Merrifield, Ralph (1965). The Roman City of London. London: Ernest Benn.

Merrifield, Ralph (1974). The Archaeology of London. Park Ridge: N.J.: Noyes Press.

Merriman, Nick (1987). "A Prehistory for Central London?" London Archaeologist 5, 12: 318-326.

Milne, Gustav (1985). The Port of Roman London. London: B. T. Batsford.

Richmond, I. A. (1966). "Industry in Roman Britain." In The Civitas Capitals of Roman Britain, ed. J. S. Wacher. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 76--86.

Salway, Peter (1981). Roman Britain. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Selkirk, Andrew, and Wendy Selkirk (1995). "No I, Poultry." Current

Archaeology 12, II: 420-425.

Williams, T. (1990). "The Foundation and Early Development of Roman London: A Social Context." Antiquity 64: 599--{i07.

Tara

TIME PERIOD: 1800-1500 B.P.

LOCATION: At north-south center of Ireland, just west of the Irish sea.

DESCRIPTIVE SUMMARY

Local Environment

Tara (Teamhair na Riogh) lies on a low ridge 155 m above an undulating plain (Freeman 1965: 280; Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 76). Underlying bedrock is largely limestone covered with glacial debris and peat (Aalen 1978: 13). The soil is fairly rich and temperatures cool but mellow (Herity and Eogan 1977: 1).

Physical Features

This complex of earthworks dates over thousands of years but is primarily associated with the "kings" of the

Roman period. Allegedly it is a royal seat starting in the 3d century (1700s B.P.), and Niall of the Nine Hostages rules much of Ireland from here in the 5th century (1500s B.P.); within 100 years it may be abandoned (Johnson 1982: 81-82).

The principal grouping lies inside the Rath na Riogh ("Royal Enclosure"), a univallate stone enclosure c. 290 by 245 m with a deep internal ditch; dating has not been substantiated (Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 76). This encloses the Forradh, a bivallate rath (circular earthwork), c. 35 m diameter; the Teach Cormac, another bivallate rath connected to the former at the west and incorporating what may be an older burial mound; and the Dumha-na-n-Gaill ("Mound of the Hostages"), a Bronze Age burial mound at the northern edge, containing over 100 undated burials (Harbison 1988: 58; Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 76).

Opposite the mound outside the rampart is the Rath of the Synods, a third bivallate rath containing 1st-to 3d-century artifacts (1900s-1700s B.P.) and both inhumations and cremations (Herity and Eogan 1977: 244; Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 77-78). North is the Teach Midhohuarta ("Banqueting Hall"), two parallel linear mounds over 200 m long, allegedly a wooden great hall (0 Riordain 1954: 17-19) although Harbison (1988: 93) claims they represent a ritual roadway to the mound. There is yet another rath farther to the south, three circular enclosures to the west, and, a half-mile southeast, a rath complex (Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 11; oRiordain 1954: 14-17, 19-20). Legend has many early roadways centering on Tara, although these are not visible (0 Riordain 1954: 20).

Cultural Aspects

Medieval texts depict a land where petty kings or chiefs pay tribute to overkings of limited power, where social status is gained through wealth reckoned in beasts and metal (Gibson 1988: 50; Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 36; Piggott 1965: 235). Raths of multiple ramparts were earmarked for kings, at least in the Middle Ages (Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 44). Such medieval capitals contain "inauguration mounds" (Gibson 1995: 117), which may pertain to the mound here. Given ramparts with internal ditches and few signs of domesticity, Tara's role may be more ceremonial than residential (Wailes 1976: 331-332); this hypothesis is strengthened if the king's essential Banqueting Hall is not one, although there is space within the Rath for timber structures and the Rath of the Synods may be domestic (Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 78). Iron smelting and enamelworking are both present at Tara,

suggesting some central-place functions, likewise the few Roman finds (Herity and Eogan 1977: 234-236; Johnson 1982: 82). The other raths in the area may exist to support this complex (Norman and St. Joseph 1969: 12). It is a relatively rich area for food provision and possibly surplus, especially if the economy was based on husbandry.

References

Aalen, F. H. A. (1978). Man and the Landscape in Ireland. London: Academic Press.

Freeman, T. W. (\965). Ireland: A General and Regional Geography. 3d ed. London: Methuen.

Gibson, D. B. (1988). "Agro-pastoralism and Regional Social Organization in Early Ireland." In Tribe and Polity in Late Prehistoric Europe, ed. D. B. Gibson and M. N. Geselowitz. New York: Plenum Press. 41-68.

Gibson, D. B. (1995). "Chiefdoms, Confederacies, and Statehood in Early Ireland." In Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State, ed. B. Arnold and D. B. Gibson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 116-128.

Harbison, P. (1988). Pre-Christian Ireland: From the First Settlers to the Early Celts. London: Thames and Hudson.

Herity, M., and G. Eogan (1977). Ireland in Prehistory. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Johnson, S. (1982). Later Roman Britain. St. Albans: Granada Publishing.

Norman, E. R., and J. K. S. St. Joseph (\969). The Early Development of Irish Society: The Evidence of Aerial Photographs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

6 Riordain, Sean (1954). Tara: The Monuments of the Hill. Dundalk, Ireland: Dundalgan Press (W. Tempest).

Piggott, Stuart (1965). Ancient Europe. Chicago: Aldine.

Wailes, Bernard (1976). "Dim Ailinne: An Interim Report." In

Hillforts: Later Prehistoric Earthworks in Britain and Ireland, ed. D. W. Harding. London: Academic Press, 319-338.

Traprain Law

TIME PERIOD: 2100--1500 B.P.

LOCATION: c. 30 km east of Edinburgh, a few kilometers off the North sea.

DESCRIPTIVE SUMMARY

Local Environment

The fort occupies a slaty clink-stone hill rising some 100 m, steep and rocky to south and east, more passable to the north, and habitable on the western flank (Feachem 1977: 120; Groome 1886: 449; Jobey 1976:

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191). Around it is the coastal plain of East Lothian, offering many rivers, good arable of light loamy soils, and much pasture land in adjacent hills, not to mention coal resources (Rae and Brown 1966: 149-151). From here, one can survey much of the firth of Forth, a broad stretch of the sea, and up to 13 (modern) counties (Groome 1886: 449).

Physical Features

Post holes and remains of wattle and daub are the only features from a substantial late Bronze Age presence on the northwestern slope (Jobey 1976: 193). Otherwise, the earliest structures are two or three stone ramparts across the north and maybe west edge of the crest, enclosing the western flank in their last incarnation; they seem to be pre-Roman, and there are numerous interior finds of the 1st and maybe 2d century B.C. (2000s or 2100s B.P.) (Jobey 1976: 195-198). The next stages are controversial, but a new rampart may take in the lower slopes to the north, enclosing c. 18 ha and a (very) estimated population of 3,000 (Laing 1981: 82 }--and going out of use at or before the conquest (see Close-Brooks 1983: 215; Feachem 1977: 121; Jobey 1976: 198-199). Feachem has proposed several walls in the following centuries, but the one uncontested subsequent wall is late 4th or 5th or even 6th century (after 1650 B.P.), and it no longer encloses the north (CloseBrooks 1983: 215-217; Feachem 1977: 121; Jobey 1976: 199-200). Huts and hut-platforms found on the west and north flanks are undated (Feachem 1977: 120; Jobey 1976: 199), but a limited excavation higher up revealed dense late-Roman occupation, including dry-stone houses clustered along what seem to be roads and a square (Cunliffe 1988: 167). No specialized buildings seem to have been recognized.

Cultural Aspects

Traprain Law is either the capital or most important center of the Votadini polity, one of the two most powerful tribes in the region between the Roman border walls built under Hadrian (1878-1870 B.P.) and Antoninus Pius (c. 1860 B.P.) (Johnson 1982: 72, 75). It has produced Scotland's most varied collection of Roman artifacts, especially 2d-century (1800s B.P.) and usually fine or luxurious, suggesting either a special relationship with the Romans or a brisk trade in their goods (Frere 1987: 92, 135; Jobey 1976: 201; Johnson 1982: 75-78). This special relationship may explain why only Traprain is permitted to retain its fortifications (Jobey 1976: 198) although, if Close-Brooks (1983: 215) has reasoned

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correctly, no rampart was in use during the Roman period. According to Laing (1981: 154), by the 4th century (1600s B.P.) Traprainers were using Roman coins as currency. Traprain appears to be the only sizable settlement in the area, although some stone-built Votadini villages, lightly enclosed or unenclosed, contain up to 40 disorganized huts (Steer 1958: 101-103). Industry is present in the forms of bronze crucibles and molds, and quantities of Scotland's distinctive glass bracelets suggest they may be produced here (Cunliffe 1988: 167); on the other hand, the local pottery is substandard (Gillam 1958: 77).

References

Close-Brooks, Joanna (1983). "Dr Bersu's Excavations at Traprain Law, 1947." In From the Stone Age to the "Forty-Five," ed. A. O'Connor and D. V. Clarke. Edinburgh: John Donald, 206-223.

Cunliffe, B.W. (1988). Greeks, Romans and Barbarians, Spheres of Interaction. New York: Methuen.

Feachem, Richard (1977). Guide to Prehistoric Scotland. 2d ed. London: B. T. Batsford.

Frere, Shepherd. (1987). Britannia: A History of Roman Britain. 3d ed. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Gillam, J. P. (1958). "Roman and Native, A.D. 122-197." In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed. I. A. Richmond. Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 60--90.

Groome, Francis H., ed. (1886). Ordnance Gazetteer of Scotland: A Survey of Scottish Topography, vol. 3. London: Thomas A. Jack, Grange Publishing Works.

Jobey, George. (1976). "Traprain Law: A Summary." In Hillforts: Later Prehistoric Earthworks in Britain and Ireland, ed. D. W. Harding. London: Academic Press, 191-204.

Johnson, S. (1982). Later Roman Britain. St. Albans, U.K: Granada

Publishing.

Laing, Lloyd (1981). Celtic Britain. St. Albans, U.K: Granada Publishing.

Rae, Gordon, and Charles E. Brown (1966). A Geography of Scotland, General and Regional. London: G. Bell and Sons.

Steer, K. A. (1958). "Roman and Native in North Britain: The Severan Reorganisation." In Roman and Native in North Britain, ed. I. A. Richmond. Edinburgh: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 91Ill.

STEVE JONES

Albany, New York

United States

Scandinavian Bronze Age

ABSOLUTE TIME PERIOD: 3800-2500 B.P.

RELATIVE TIME PERIOD: Follows Scandinavian Neolithic, precedes the Iron Age.

LOCATION: The Scandinavian peninsula and Denmark.

DIAGNOSTIC MATERIAL ATTRIBUTES: Bronzes, weapons,

tools, ornaments, cire perdue bronze-casting technique, rich spiral and geometric decoration, musical instruments (furs), gold (cult) vessels, metal hoards, burial mounds and cairns, ship-shaped stone settings, inhumation burials in oak coffins, urn burials, rock carvings with cup marks, wheels, ships, etc., three-aisled longhouses, dispersed settlement pattern, moving settlements, ard plowed fields, animal husbandry.

REGIONAL SUBTRADITIONS: Central Sweden; the Highlands and Circumpolar zone; North Scandinavia including Bottnian bay; Norwegian west coast; West SwedenSouth Norway.

IMPORTANT SITES: Apalle, Egtved, Fosie IV, Haga, Kivik, Skjeberg, Tanum, Voidtofte.

CULTURAL SUMMARY

Environment

Climate. Pollen zone subboreal. With 1,825 km from the Danish border to Nordkap and highly varied relief

and climatic conditions, the Scandinavian nature is very diverse. Annual growth days vary between >200 in the south and 100 in the north.

Topography. Between the Atlantic and the Baltic seas. The south is part of the North European Lowland zone with fertile brown earths, whereas central and northern Scandinavia is rocky, with the "Keel" on the border between Sweden and Norway as the central mountain range and watershed 1,000-2,400 m high. The lake district of Malaren, Vanern, and Vattern separates North from South Sweden and provided a rich environment, especially at the end of the period. The isostatic movement after the melting of the ice cap means that here the Bronze Age sea level was 25 m above the present. Thus, above all, the central Scandinavian landscape had much more islands and coast than at present. Archipelagi are characteristic of most of the Swedish and Norwegian coasts.

Geology. The south is covered by moraine clay deposits from the last Ice Age; the rest of Scandinavia is sand on mezozoic rock, and the Caledonian mountain range in Norway has only a thin cover.

Biota. Deciduous mixed forest south of a line from Oslo to Stockholm. North of the Malaren region, climate and vegetation change from nemoral and boreo-nemoral to pine and birch with taiga in the extreme north. Long,

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dark winters north of the polar circle. The Atlantic coast offers favorable climatic localities. Temperatures were higher than now but declined toward the end of the period. Recurrent variations every 250 years are now assumed.

Settlements

Settlement System. Proper villages are unknown. Single farms consisted of a longhouse and additional four-post structures (helms) and sometimes further buildings. In the absence of common fences and culture layers, it is hard to say how many houses may have existed at any one time; rarely more than a handful. Clusters of longhouses are seen as the result of repeated occupation of the same site. The individual settlements moved within a naturally bounded territory of varying size. Bigger and more permanent settlements indicate hierarchical settlement patterns in some subtraditions at favorable communication points?

Community Organization. Burial mounds and settlements were placed on high ground, mainly in the coastal zone or otherwise within easy reach of the sea. The individual settlements consisted of farms with small temporary fields, burial mounds, and small cemeteries, rock carvings (at least cup marks), and wet sites where bronze hoards were deposited. Roads (tracks) followed watersheds and may be inferred from lines of barrows. Communal structures are indicated by large rockcarving sites like Namforsen or large numbers of cooking pits. Centers, expressed by rich burials and permanent settlements, were short lived and have been interpreted as evidence of chiefdoms.

Housing. Longhouses were two aisled as in the Late Neolithic but they were substituted by three-aisled longhouses c. 3300 B.P. The roof was carried by posts, and the walls were normally wattle and daub or halftimbered (?) This type is now appearing even in West Norway and central Sweden, but in the northern subtraditions stone foundation walls are also known. Rarely was the eastern end fitted into a stable late in the period; the western end was normally fitted with a hearth or cooking pit. Divisions into two or three rooms are known, but normally only the post holes from the bigger posts are preserved. In some houses, a hearth in each end of the house means that two groups lived in the same house. Houses vary between 50 and 500 sq m with an average of 200 m2 . Lengths vary between 10 and 40 m. Small square or short houses may have served other purposes.

Population, Health, and Disease. The skeletons of the preceding period are the tallest and healthiest before A.D. 300 but the skeletal material from the Bronze Age is poorly preserved. The cremated burials from c. 3100 B.P. on have not been studied extensively, but stress periods caused by seasonal malnutrition have been observed in some of the population. Only part of the population was buried in mounds or otherwise, so it is difficult to estimate population size and demographic development.

Economy

Subsistence. Agriculture and animal husbandry were the main basic parts; the proportion must have varied according to local conditions. The narrow arable zone along the coasts of the northern and western subtraditions coincides with the distribution of the Bronze Age settlement.

Wild Foods. Fishing is sufficiently attested by fishhooks and fishbones from settlements. Cod was fished from boats, and shells collected. Deer was hunted, and elk was a main food contributor in the north, but few other wild animals are attested from the settlements in the south. Rock carvings depict stags, reindeer, and elk in the inland northern subtraditions where hunting and river fishing continued to be the main subsistence mode. Wild plants are little known.

Domestic Foods. Wheat continued from the preceding period; millet and especially barley appeared during the early part of Bronze Age. Hulled barley is taken to indicate the use of manure. Cattle were the main domesticated animals, sheep/goat or pig being the second largest group. Cattle bones show stress indicating the use of oxen as draught animals. Horses were kept in small numbers, presumably as status markers, and are shown pulling light vehicles on rock carvings. Dogs were well known. Small irregular fields down to c. 100 sq m were plowed with ard. Two types have been carbon-14 dated to the period. Ards are also shown on rock carvings pulled by oxen or single.

Industrial Arts. South Scandinavia was the innovation area where objects and impulses from the shifting centres in central and Southeastern Europe were received via the South Baltic coast traditions and filtered or transformed into new types or ideas. This applies to rock art, too. Metals were far more abundant here than in other Baltic regions. Bronzes were cast on most settlements in the south and at least on the larger settlements in Central Sweden. Even in Arctic Scandinavia, molds are found. More complicated castings may have been restricted to central settlements like Voldt-