- •Contents
- •Preface
- •Chronology of Main Events
- •Introduction
- •The Systemic Challenge
- •Global Implications
- •A New Approach
- •Conclusion
- •Role of Policy Intellectuals
- •Current Dynamics
- •Reevaluation of Reform
- •Debating Development
- •Policy Response
- •Democracy Debated
- •Official Line Weighs In
- •Foreign Policy: Rise of Nationalism or Peaceful Rise?
- •Looking Ahead
- •Putting Theory into Practice
- •Rhetoric Versus Reality
- •Ongoing Support for the Party
- •Conclusion and Recommendations
- •From Decentralization to Recentralization
- •Current Factors Causing Center-Local Friction
- •How Center-Local Relations Affect Key Policies (and Why the United States Should Care)
- •What It Means for Hu and Wen
- •Steps the Center Is Taking
- •Implications for the United States and Policy Recommendations
- •Corruption Rising to a Plateau
- •Threat of “Local Kleptocracies”
- •Is the Party Over?
- •Causes of Corruption Debated
- •Conclusion and Recommendations
- •Sources of China’s Economic Growth
- •Rethinking China’s Growth Strategy
- •Promoting Consumption-Driven Growth
- •China’s Pursuit of Consumption-Driven Growth
- •Glass Half Full or Half Empty?
- •Evolution of Energy Demand in China
- •Investment-Led Energy Surprise
- •Local and Global Implications
- •The Domestic Response
- •The Energy Footprint of a Rebalanced Chinese Economy
- •Conclusions and Policy Agenda
- •Why Does China Care about Taiwan?
- •Why Has the United States Cared about Taiwan?
- •Why Does the United States Still Care about Taiwan?
- •Limits to US Support
- •Alternative Approaches to Dealing with the Taiwan Impasse
- •How Should the United States Think about Taiwan Today?
- •China’s Assessment of Its Military Needs
- •Key Elements of China’s Military Modernization
- •Future of PLA Modernization
- •US Response to China’s Military Modernization
- •Role of Soft Power in Chinese Foreign Policy
- •China’s International Relationships
- •China’s Impact on the International System
- •Implications for the United States of China’s Rise in Global Influence
- •Bibliography
- •About the Authors
- •About the Organizations
- •Acknowledgments
- •Index
CHINA’S
RISE
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
CHINA’S
RISE
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
C. FRED BERGSTEN
CHARLES FREEMAN
NICHOLAS R. LARDY
DEREK J. MITCHELL
PETERSON INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
WASHINGTON, DC
SEPTEMBER 2008
PETER G. PETERSON INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMICS
1750 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036-1903
(202) 328-9000 FAX: (202) 659-3225 www.petersoninstitute.org
C. Fred Bergsten, Director
Edward Tureen, Director of Publications,
Marketing, and Web Development
CENTER FOR STRATEGIC
AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
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(202) 887-0200 FAX: (202) 775-3199 www.csis.org
John J. Hamre, President and CEO James Dunton, Director of Publications
Typesetting by BMWW
Printing by United Book Press
Cover design by Sese-Paul Design
Copyright © 2008 by the Peter G. Peterson Institute for International Economics and the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the Institute.
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Printed in the United States of America 10 09 08 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-
Publication Data
China’s rise : challenges and opportunities /
C.Fred Bergsten . . . [et al.]. p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-88132-417-4 (alk. paper)
1.China—Economic conditions—2000–
2.China—Foreign economic relations.
3.Democratization—China. 4. China— Politics and government—2002–
I. Bergsten, C. Fred, 1941– II. Peterson Institute for International Economics.
III. Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington, D.C.)
HC427.95.C4566 2008 330.951—dc22
2008028925
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. This publication is part of the overall program of the Institute and the Center, as endorsed by their Boards of Directors, but does not necessarily reflect the views of individual members of the Boards or the Advisory Committees.
Contents
Preface |
vii |
|
Chronology of Main Events |
xiii |
|
Introduction |
1 |
|
1 |
China’s Challenge to the Global Economic Order |
9 |
2 |
China Debates Its Future |
33 |
3 |
Democracy with Chinese Characteristics? Political Reform |
|
|
and the Future of the Chinese Communist Party |
57 |
4 |
Center-Local Relations: Hu’s in Charge Here? |
75 |
5 |
Corruption in China: Crisis or Constant? |
91 |
6 |
Sustaining Economic Growth in China |
105 |
7 |
Energy Implications of China’s Growth |
137 |
8 |
Why Does the United States Care about Taiwan? |
169 |
9 |
China’s Military Modernization |
191 |
10 |
China and the World |
209 |
11 |
Conclusion |
235 |
Bibliography |
241 |
|
About the Authors |
245 |
|
About the Organizations |
249 |
|
Acknowledgments |
253 |
|
Advisory Committee |
255 |
vi
Index |
|
259 |
Tables |
|
|
Table 6.1 |
Government expenditure on social programs, 2002–07 |
122 |
Table 7.1 |
Energy demand by sector, 2005 |
142 |
Table 7.2 |
GDP by sector, 2005 |
142 |
Table 7.3 |
Industrial profit margins, on an earnings-before-tax |
|
|
basis |
148 |
Table 7.4 |
Global steel industry: Production, market share, |
|
|
and industry concentration, 2006 |
149 |
Table 7.5 |
Industry concentration in China |
150 |
Table 9.1 |
Competing statistics on China’s military expenditure, |
|
|
2006 |
200 |
Table 10.1 |
China’s top trading partners, 2007 |
210 |
Table 10.2 |
China’s rank among countries’ top trading partners |
221 |
Table 10.3 |
China’s top five sources of crude oil imports, 2003–07 |
222 |
Figures |
|
|
Figure 5.1 Perceived level of corruption in China, 1984–2006 |
93 |
|
Figure 6.1 Investment as percent of GDP, 1978–2007 |
107 |
|
Figure 6.2 Household consumption as percent of GDP, |
|
|
|
1978–2007 |
107 |
Figure 6.3 Government consumption as percent of GDP, |
|
|
|
1978–2007 |
108 |
Figure 6.4 |
Net exports of goods and services, 1992–2007 |
109 |
Figure 6.5 |
Manufacturing and services share of urban |
|
|
investment, 1995–2007 |
111 |
Figure 6.6 |
Losses of unprofitable industrial enterprises, |
|
|
1995–2007(e) |
113 |
Figure 6.7 |
Industry profits as percent of GDP, 1998–2007(e) |
113 |
Figure 6.8 |
Current account balance as percent of GDP, |
|
|
1994–2007 |
115 |
Figure 6.9 |
Household savings and interest income, 1992–2003 |
119 |
Figure 7.1 |
Energy intensity of the Chinese economy, 1953–2007 |
139 |
Figure 7.2 |
Energy demand, historic and recent forecasts, |
|
|
1974–2030 |
140 |
Figure 7.3 |
China’s share of global production, 2006 |
143 |
Figure 7.4 |
Industrial electricity prices, 2006 |
145 |
Boxes |
|
|
Box 1.1 |
Other economic superpowers? |
10 |
Box 1.2 |
Will China dump its dollars? |
18 |
Box 2.1 |
“Emancipation of the mind” campaigns |
43 |
Box 9.1 |
China’s defense budget |
192 |
Box 9.2 |
Aircraft carriers |
198 |
Preface
China remains a country of complexity and contradiction. It has become an economic powerhouse and an increasingly influential global player, raising the prospect that it will be a future rival to the United States in world affairs. At the same time, China’s unbalanced growth fuels unsustainabilities and inequities in its political and social system, raising longerterm questions about its domestic stability. Abroad, China is widely welcomed as an engine of economic growth, even as its military modernizes and its increasing footprint creates palpable discomfort about its impact on global stability and the international system.
For Americans and others in the international community, coping with the rise of China has emerged as the key challenge of the 21st century. Formulating an effective strategy to do so, however, demands a far richer and more nuanced understanding of China’s fundamental social, political, and economic context than that shaping the current public debate in the United States and elsewhere.
The China Balance Sheet Project, a joint endeavor by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the Peterson Institute for International Economics, was established in 2005 with the intention of providing a balanced and objectively reasoned source of information on China for government officials, business and other private-sector leaders, the media, and the interested public alike. Our first book, China: The Balance Sheet—What the World Needs to Know Now about the Emerging Superpower, was published in April 2006. Translated into several languages, that book—and the one-page issue summaries derived from it provided on www. chinabalancesheet.org—has become a standard reference for policymakers, journalists, and students around the world, fulfilling an unmistakable need for authoritative and balanced discussion of China’s contemporary economic, military, political, social, and international policies and perspectives. It has been widely quoted by top officials of both gov-
viii
ernments, including US Secretary of the Treasury Henry Paulson, Jr. and former Chinese Vice Premier Wu Yi.
In May 2007, the two institutions held a full-day national conference to continue the discussion of China and US-China relations. At that session, we released The China Balance Sheet in 2007 and Beyond, a compilation of papers that delved into topics including Beijing’s internet censorship policies, the rule of law in China, and China’s relations with India and Russia. Keynote presentations were delivered by Secretary of the Treasury Henry Paulson, Jr.; Robert Zoellick, president of the World Bank and former US deputy secretary of state; and Craig Mundie, chief research and strategy officer for Microsoft.
This book seeks to take the analysis several important steps further by connecting China’s development directly to US and global interests, and offering a series of possible policy responses. It begins by looking at the global economic challenge posed by China, a central theme throughout the volume, in a chapter written by Dr. C. Fred Bergsten, director of the Peterson Institute. It then turns to the emerging policy debates on all these issues in China, where an intellectual climate is forming that is more open, diverse, and creative than many outsiders realize.
As in the earlier two publications, the book then assesses the likely development of China itself under three headings: domestic political and social affairs, economic policy, and foreign and security policy. The authors divided lead responsibility for the discussion according to their expertise. Charles Freeman, holder of the Freeman Chair in China Studies at CSIS, took primary responsibility for the chapters devoted to China’s domestic policies. Dr. Nicholas Lardy, senior fellow at the Peterson Institute, addressed China’s domestic economy. Trevor Houser and Daniel Rosen of the Peterson Institute coauthored chapter 7 on China’s energy issues. Derek Mitchell, senior fellow in the International Security Program at CSIS, took on the multifaceted challenges of China’s foreign and security policy. All these authors have published extensively on their areas of expertise.
In the process, we would like to thank many people for their contributions. Melissa Murphy was instrumental in writing chapters 2, 3, and 5 and Andrew Wedeman of the University of Nebraska-Lincoln in the writing of chapter 5 on corruption. David Finkelstein of the Center for Naval Analyses provided the first draft of and substantial intellectual input into chapter 9 on China’s military modernization.
We have been enormously assisted in the preparation of the book by an Advisory Committee of high-level experts on China and US-China relations. The full committee met with the authors and their team to discuss the book in its early stages and helped shape its ultimate direction through their invaluable comments and suggestions. It should be noted, however, that the findings and opinions in this book rest with the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of our Advisory Committee members, contributing authors, and others who have provided support.
ix
A full list of Advisory Committee members, contributing authors, and other supporting individuals is provided at the end of this volume.
Our gratitude extends particularly to Bates Gill, director of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and former holder of the Freeman Chair in China Studies, for his immeasurable support of the project and to Ben W. Heineman, Jr., senior fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government, member of the CSIS Board of Trustees, and former senior vice president-general counsel of GE, who conceived of the project and has greatly aided it.
Eve Cary and Carl Rubenstein at CSIS served as project coordinators for the China Balance Sheet Project and provided administrative support to the project leads. Adam Posen, deputy director and senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics advised the project. Invaluable research assistance was provided by Eve Cary and Alyson Slack at CSIS and Giwon Jeong at the Peterson Institute. Additional research help was provided by Shiuan-ju Chen, Orlando Crosby, Fergus Green, Xuan Gui, Liana Lim Hinch, Arthur Kaneko, Stephen Meyers, Alexis Rado, Shelley Su, Pak To Wong, and Xiao Zhang. Carla Freeman at Johns Hopkins’ School for Advanced International Studies provided editorial assistance. Edward A. Tureen of the Peterson Institute provided editorial advice and oversaw the publication process. Madona Devasahayam of the Peterson Institute served as an expert copyeditor and editorial coordinator.
After the publication of China’s Rise: Challenges and Opportunities, the project will remain active through conferences and briefings, and possible further studies, and will remain an important source for balanced and salient information on China through the project’s website (www.china balancesheet.org) and through its publications.
The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and policy solutions to decision makers in government, international institutions, the private sector, and civil society. A bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, DC, CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. CSIS’s work is made possible thanks to the generous support of individuals, private foundations, US and international government agencies, and corporations.
The Peterson Institute for International Economics is a private, nonprofit institution for the study and discussion of international economic policy. Its purpose is to analyze important issues in that area and to develop and communicate practical new approaches for dealing with them. The Institute is completely nonpartisan. It is funded by a highly diversified group of philanthropic foundations, private corporations, and interested individuals.
Financing for the China Balance Sheet Project comes from a combination of general institutional resources and external support. External un-
x
derwriters include ACE Ltd, American International Group, The Boeing Company, Caterpillar, Citigroup, The Coca-Cola Company, FedEx, General Electric, General Motors, Goldman Sachs, Microsoft, Pfizer, and Procter & Gamble. These institutional supporters and underwriters had no editorial role in, or control over, the content of this book.
China’s rise provides the United States and global community with a great number of both challenges and opportunities. As the United States and others prepare to meet those challenges and seize those opportunities, it will be crucial to have a clear and objective understanding of the nature and implications of China’s emergence. The China Balance Sheet project will continue its effort to provide such a contribution to the ongoing debate and discussion about China in coming years.
JOHN J. HAMRE |
C. FRED BERGSTEN |
President and CEO |
Director |
Center for Strategic and |
Peterson Institute for |
International Studies |
International Economics |
|
July 2008 |