Indoctrination
In 1973, the Syrian constitution was amended to give the Baath Party unique status as the "leader of the state and society", ushering it into all areas of public life.
Its main role was to issue directives from the central government to regional representatives, mobilise the masses for political activities, and gauge the "mood" of the general population.
Children were indoctrinated with the party's ideology at school, Baathists controlled trade unions, and the Military Committee monitored the armed forces.
Many posts in the public sector, the military and government were generally reserved for Baathists, which helped boost party membership. By 1981, some 375,000 people had joined the party. By 2010, this number had reportedly risen to 1.2 million - nearly 10% of the population.
The only other legal parties were from the National Progressive Front (NPF) - an alliance of nationalist and left-wing supporters of the government who accepted the Baath Party's "leading role".
Baathist officials were, however, targeted during an armed insurrection by Sunni Islamist groups in the late 1970s and early 1980s, which culminated in a rebellion in Hama in February 1982 that was brutally crushed, leaving between 10,000 and 25,000 people dead.
Over the next two decades, the Baath Party remained hugely influential, but real power was increasingly collected in the hands of President Assad, his family, close advisers, the military and security services. Despite this, in the eyes of many Syrians the party embodied the corruption, nepotism and stagnation that became so widespread.
When he was elected president and chairman of the Baath Party's Regional Command in 2000, Bashar al-Assad sought to present himself as a reformer.
Ahead of a rare Baath Party regional conference in 2005, state media talked of an opportunity for the party's "revitalisation". But expectations that the constitution would be amended to remove the article making it the leader of state and society were never met. The political party law was also not changed to permit the existence of groups outside the National Progressive Front.
In fact, it was only in February 2012, after nearly a year of anti-government protests and bloodshed that threatened the dominance of the Assad family and the Baath Party, that the constitution and the political party law were changed.
They did not, however, have much of an impact at the subsequent parliamentary elections in May, which were boycotted by the opposition and saw pro-government parties win almost all the seats.
Holding on
At the start of the uprising, a large number of officials publicly left the party in protest at the government's suppression of dissent. And in March 2012 the then Deputy Oil Minister, Abdo Hussameddin, announced his defection to the opposition.
Such incidents gained a great deal of coverage in the world's media, but the Baath Party officials involved were appeared to be relatively minor.
The party's main leadership bodies, the Regional Command and the National Command, have remained steadfastly loyal to Bashar al-Assad.
Analysts say top officials in the Baath Party lead a privileged life, and stand to lose the most from a change of government.
Many also belong to Syria's minority groups, including the president's own Alawite sect, and see the uprising as a struggle for survival.
It therefore seems unlikely that Baath Party leaders will abandoned the president in the near future, regardless of the increasing international pressure and rising death toll.
25 July 2012 Last updated at 13:37 GMT
bbc Guide to the Syrian opposition
More than a year after the uprising began in Syria, the opposition remains fractious and deeply divided.
The wide variety of political groups, exiled dissidents, grassroots activists and armed militants have been unable to agree on how to overthrow President Bashar al-Assad.
Several groups, however, have tried to form coalitions to unite opposition supporters in Syria and gain international help and recognition.
Here is a guide to some of the most prominent groups.
Syrian National Council (SNC)
The Syrian National Council (SNC) is a coalition of seven opposition groups aimed at offering a credible alternative to President Assad's government and serving as a single point of contact for the international community.
Its formation in October recalled that of Libya's National Transitional Council (NTC), which earned international recognition through its opposition to the rule of Col Muammar Gaddafi and has formed an interim government.
The SNC includes:
The Damascus Declaration for Democratic Change grouping - a movement born during the so-called "Damascus Spring" of 2000/2001 which called for broad democratic reform, and was soon suppressed
The Muslim Brotherhood
Local Co-ordination Committees - grassroots movements that have led and documented demonstrations
Syrian Revolution General Commission (SRGC) - a coalition of 40 opposition grassroots groups
Kurdish factions, tribal leaders and independent figures
The SNC has a Secretariat General composed of representatives of the various member groups, which elect a 10-member Executive Committee and a president whose term is renewable every three months.
The current president is Abdelbaset Sayda, a Kurd who has lived in exile in Sweden for a number of years.
He replaced Paris-based academic Burhan Ghalioun as leader of the SNC on 9 June with a mandate to reform and restructure the organisation.
Mr Ghalioun stepped down in May 2012 after criticism that in his nine months as leader, he had failed to reconcile different groups within the opposition and present a united front.
The SNC's website says it is committed to the following principles:
They will have a seat at the table as a representative of the Syrian people” (Hillary Clinton US Secretary of State)
Working to overthrow the regime using all legal means
Affirming national unity among all components of Syrian society and rejecting all calls for ethnic strife
Safeguarding the non-violent character of the Syrian revolution
Protecting national independence and sovereignty, and rejecting foreign military intervention
However, at a press conference in Paris on 1 March 2012, the SNC announced that it had created a military bureau to co-ordinate the various armed anti-government groups in Syria.
Mr Ghalioun told reporters at the conference that although the uprising had begun as a non-violent movement, "the reality today is different and the SNC must shoulder its responsibilities". He also said that any weapons flowing into the country should go through the council to try to avoid a civil war.
At the time, he said the bureau would function like a defence ministry and would be staffed by soldiers from the Free Syrian Army (see below) as well as civilians.
But the FSA, the main armed opposition group in Syria, responded by saying it would not co-operate with the new bureau. The head of the FSA, Col Riyad al-Assad, said the group does not want any political interference and has its own military strategy.
Military issues aside, the SNC says it has a clear vision to create a civil, modern and democratic Syria, and issued a political programme in November for a post-Assad future.
It has laid out plans for a transitional period, similar to those of Libya's NTC, which would see it:
Form an interim administration
Hold an all-inclusive national convention on democratic change
Organise the election of a constitutional assembly within a year to draft a new constitution and hold free parliamentary elections within six months of the new constitution being approved
Form a judicial commission to investigate crimes against humanity and form a national reconciliation commission
The new Syria, the SNC states, will be a "democratic, pluralistic, and civil state; a parliamentary republic with sovereignty of the people based on the principles of equal citizenship with separation of powers, smooth transfer of power, the rule of law, and the protection and guarantee of the rights of minorities".
The SNC, which is dominated by Syria's majority Sunni Muslim community, has struggled to win over Christians and members of President Assad's Alawite sect, who each make up about 10% of the population and have so far stayed loyal to the government.
The council's primacy has also been challenged by the National Co-ordination Committee (NCC), an opposition bloc that still functions within Syria and is led by Hussein Abdul Azim and other longstanding dissidents, some of whom are wary of the Islamists within the SNC.
The SNC, which is trying to keep the uprising peaceful, has also found it difficult to work with the Free Syrian Army (FSA), a group of army defectors which is seeking to topple Mr Assad by force. However, the two groups have agreed to co-ordinate their operations more closely.
Western diplomats say the SNC is far from achieving the recognition given to Libya's NTC at an early stage of the revolt against Gaddafi, and many are encouraging the group to merge with the rival NCC.
Nevertheless, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told reporters ahead of the "Friends of Syria" meeting in Tunis on 24 February: "They will have a seat at the table as a representative of the Syrian people.
"We think it's important to have Syrians represented. And the consensus opinion by the Arab League and all the others who are working and planning this conference is that the SNC is a credible representative."
National Co-ordination Committee (NCC)
The National Co-ordination Committee (NCC), formed in September, is made up of 13 left-leaning political parties, three Kurdish political parties, and independent political and youth activists.
It is led by the veteran opposition figure Hussein Abdul Azim.
The slogan 'the overthrow of the regime' is unpractical, unrealistic and useless” (Qadri Jamil National Co-ordination Committee member)
The NCC differs from the Syrian National Council (SNC) on the questions of dialogue with the government and foreign intervention.
The NCC calls for dialogue conditional on the withdrawal of the military from the streets, the end of attacks on peaceful protesters by security forces, and the release of all political prisoners.
The group is strongly opposed to any form of foreign intervention that would involve military measures, such as a no-fly zone, and would prefer economic sanctions and other diplomatic measures to increase pressure on President Assad.
"We reject foreign intervention - we think it is as dangerous as tyranny. We reject both," Mr Azim said last year.
It is the only group still calling for conditional dialogue with the government, arguing that it remains the least costly route to political transition.
Despite this, the NCC has refused to engage in the government's national dialogue initiative, saying that the authorities are merely trying to buy time while they ''liquidate the forces of the uprising''.
The NCC has also been reluctant to affiliate itself with the SNC and challenged its primacy, with some members said to be wary of the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood on the umbrella group.
A leading opposition voice within the NCC, Haytham Manna, has even described the SNC as "a Washington club" and said he considers anyone calling for foreign intervention a "traitor".
SNC chairman Burhan Ghalioun said in October that both groups were agreed on "a complete break with the regime and are clearly demanding its departure". But Qadri Jamil of the NCC retorted: "The slogan 'the overthrow of the regime' is unpractical, unrealistic and useless."
Free Syrian Army (FSA)
The Free Syrian Army was formed in August 2011 by army deserters based in Turkey and led by Riyad al-Asaad, a former air force colonel.
At its founding, the group said it would seek to "work hand in hand with the people to achieve freedom and dignity, topple the regime, protect the revolution and the country's resources and stand up to the irresponsible military machine which is protecting the regime".
Col Asaad claims to have as many as 40,000 men under his command and that soldiers are defecting every day and being assigned tasks by the FSA. However, analysts believe there may be no more than 10,000.
They are also still poorly armed, and many have only basic military training. The FSA has admitted that it is unable to directly confront the Syrian army, which is estimated to have 200,000 soldiers, and hold on to territory.
Nevertheless, a growing number of defections, partly caused by sectarian division, is weakening the military, strengthening the FSA and increasing the violence. The army's rank and file is largely Sunni while its leadership is mainly Alawite.
'Liberated'
The FSA's fighters were limited at the start of the uprising to small-scale attacks on military convoys and patrols in the north-western province of Idlib, which borders Turkey.
However, it was not long before operations spread to the cities of Homs and Hama, and major rebellions were launched, triggering a series of government crackdowns.
In September 2011, FSA fighters and other army defectors took control of parts of the town of Rastan, just north of Homs. In early October, government forces launched an offensive involving hundreds of armoured vehicles, only recapturing Rastan after a week of clashes.
Over the next two months, the FSA carried out increasingly effective attacks on security forces, particularly in Idlib. In late December, the army stormed the mountain stronghold of Jabal al-Zawiya and killed some 200 rebels and male civilians, according to activists.
In January 2012, residents of Zabadani, a mountain town north-west of Damascus, said it had been "liberated" by the FSA and that the army had agreed to a ceasefire. The truce lasted for several days before troops launched an assault to retake the town.
Later that month, a string of the capital's eastern suburbs briefly fell into FSA control, bringing the armed rebellion to the city's outskirts for the first time. However, security forces forced the rebels to retreat within days.
The FSA suffered a major setback in February, when the military launched a major offensive on its strongholds in Homs, notably the district of Baba Amr. Activists said an estimated 700 people were killed as rockets and shells rained down for nearly a month. Troops moved into the city in early March after the FSA staged a "tactical withdrawal".
The insurrection appeared to be on the verge of being crushed, and the rebels spent the next two months regrouping.
In early April, the FSA received a much-needed boost when several Western powers announced that they would provide millions of dollars in "non-lethal" aid, including communications and intelligence support. Gulf states meanwhile agreed to set up a fund to pay the salaries of FSA fighters, and reportedly discussed plans to send money to the rebels to help them buy weapons and ammunition on the black market.
Later that month, the FSA and the government said they would abide by the ceasefire negotiated by the UN and Arab League's envoy, Kofi Annan, as part of his peace plan. However, both sides accused each other of violating the conditions and fighting resumed.
By the beginning of June, dozens of people were dying every day despite appeals for calm. The FSA announced it was no longer committed to the ceasefire and had resumed operations to "defend our people".
'Guerrilla tactics'
In mid-July, the rebels launched audacious and deadly attacks in the heart of Damascus for the first time, targeting military and intelligence bases and briefly taking control of several areas before the government sent in large numbers of troops and tanks to recapture them.
The group also claimed that an affiliate was behind the bombing inside the headquarters of the National Security Bureau (NSB) in Damascus on 18 July, which killed President Bashar al-Assad's brother-in-law, Gen Assef Shawkat, Defence Minister Gen Daoud Rajiha, former Defence Minister Gen Hassan Turkomani and NSB chief Gen Hisham Ikhtiar.
Less than a week later, the FSA launched a large-scale attack on security forces in Aleppo, reportedly prompting the military to send thousands of reinforcements, as well as deploying warplanes to strafe rebel-held areas for the first time in 16 months.
Col Malik al-Kurdi, a spokesman for the FSA command, said the rebels would not try to hold on to the territory they had seized in Syria's two biggest cities because they could not confront the better-equipped regular army or the elite Republican Guards.
"The Free Syrian Army is carrying out a war of harassing the regime army until it is exhausted, using guerrilla tactics," he told the Washington Post. "We can't keep control of an area, so this is a circular operation, moving from one place to another, one city to another."
Col Kurdi pointed to the capture of a number of border crossings with Turkey and Iraq, some of which changed hands several times over the period of a few days.
"We cannot say the Free Syrian Army is in complete control, and we cannot say the regime army is in complete control, and this will stay the same until the Free Syrian Army gets heavy weapons and there are more defections."
FSA fighters began by using only light weapons, but do already have more sophisticated and heavier weaponry that has either been captured or smuggled in from abroad.
US officials and Arab intelligence officers told the New York Times in June that automatic rifles, rocket-propelled grenades, ammunition and some anti-tank weapons were being funnelled, mostly across the Turkish border, by way of a "shadowy network of intermediaries", including Syria's Muslim Brotherhood, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar.
A small number of CIA officers were also operating secretly in southern Turkey, helping allies decide which Syrian opposition fighters would receive the weapons, in an effort to prevent them falling into the hands of groups allied to al-Qaeda, they added. They were also reportedly providing satellite imagery and intelligence on troop movements, and advising how to establish command and control systems.
Human rights abuses
Up until now, the FSA has functioned primarily as an umbrella group for army defectors, civilians who have taken up arms and Islamist militants. Fighters are believed to have only limited or no contact with each other or the FSA's leaders in Turkey.
Though they are working towards a similar goal - the overthrow of President Assad - many are thought to adopt the name "Free Syrian Army" to underscore their revolutionary aspirations, their army background or that they are not pro-government militiamen.
The FSA leadership told the UN Human Rights Council in February that commanders in the field did not receive orders from it and currently made their own rules of engagement. The leadership saw its role as facilitating co-ordination and ensuring media outreach.
The council said it had documented instances of gross human rights abuses committed by members of various FSA groups. In Homs, FSA members were found to have tortured and executed suspected members of the pro-government militia, the Shabiha, in retaliation for abuses committed by them.
Some armed civilians in Homs, including those belonging to the FSA, have also allegedly sought to kill the family members of Shabiha and security forces personnel to exact blood revenge, or take them hostage.
The FSA's leadership has also found it difficult to work with the main opposition coalition, the Syrian National Council (SNC), which has publicly stated that it wants to safeguard the uprising's "non-violent character".
However, in January the two groups agreed to co-ordinate their operations more closely through a liaison office and the SNC has appealed to the international community to support the rebels "by means of military advisers, training and provision of arms to defend themselves".
The FSA has also acknowledged that some foreign jihadist militants, including those linked to al-Qaeda, have travelled to Syria to join its ranks, but claims they do not play a decisive role. A shadowy group calling itself the al-Nusra Front has said it was behind a series of suicide bombings which have rocked Damascus since January.
2 August 2012 Last updated at 10:51 GMT
Syria conflict: Jihadists' role growing
By Murad Batal al-Shishani Islamic Groups Analyst, BBC Arabic
When peaceful protests demanding regime change in Syria erupted 16 months ago, there were no signs of the presence of jihadist groups on the ground other than the claims of the regime.
In reaction to the violent measures the regime has implemented against peaceful protesters, some Syrians have resorted to arms.
In this context, the Free Syrian Army (FSA) was formed from defecting army soldiers in order "to protect protesters and to fight against the Bashar al-Assad regime", according to their statements.
Simultaneously, however, jihadists - those committed to establishing an Islamic state by violent means - have started to be seen on the battlefield in Syria, which became a highly streamed topic on the jihadist online forums.
The FSA is scrutinising jihadists in Syria very closely, considering them "a real threat after the Assad regime falls," according to a senior FSA officer.
Colonel Ahmad Fahd al-Nimah, the head of the Military Revolutionary Council in Deraa, told the BBC: "Jihadists would pose a real threat in the next stage for our society and our Arab and Western friends."
Col Nimah, like many opposition figures, insists that the jihadists' role and presence in Syria are limited. But reports indicate an increase in jihadist activities on the ground.
Urbanisation of the struggle
The al-Qaeda-styled group in Syria is Jabhat al-Nusra li-Ahl al-Sham (the Front for the Protection of the Syrian People).
Like other al-Qaeda affiliated groups, al-Nusra's statements and videos are usually issued by its own media group, al-Manara al-Baida (the White Minaret) in Syria.
Al-Nusra has claimed responsibility for several attacks against the Syrian army, security and shabiha (state-sponsored thugs) since it announced its formation early this year.
This particular group's attacks increased from seven in March to 66 in June, according to its own statements.
In order to assess al-Nusra's abilities and its geographical reach, I analysed 128 attacks between March and June for which it claimed responsibility in formal statements, and which have been recognised by jihadist forums as genuine.
Findings show that jihadists are operating actively in urban areas; 54% of attacks took place in the capital, Damascus, and 20% in the second city of Syria, Aleppo.
Other areas in which jihadists have operated include Deraa (17% of attacks) and Deir al-Zour (about 6%). Other areas account for 3% of attacks.
Reproducing Iraq
"The jihadists' ideology contradicts with what the FSA is fighting for," Col Nimah told the BBC. The latter are fighting under the banner of democracy and a civil state rather than sharia.
However, the difference between the two parties in their modus operandi is reminiscent of the difference between Iraqi resistance groups and jihadists during the American invasion in 2003.
Are they [jihadists] good fighters? Yes, they are, but they have a problem with executions” (Saleem Abu Yassir FSA commander)
The jihadists in Syria are also using tactics that are closer to so-called "peace-time terrorism" tactics, unlike the tactics the FSA is using, which are mainly open raids and clashes.
Jihadists, in the last four months, used ambushing tactics 30% of the time, but they resorted to assassination in 23% of their attacks. Some 16% of jihadists' attacks consisted of IEDs (improvised explosive devices) and car bombs. Kidnapping and suicide bombs represented 8% and 7% respectively of these attacks.
IEDs and kidnapping were very common in Iraq. It is notable that all kidnaps committed by the groups end with the killing of the hostage, without seeking any ransom for instance.
The Guardian's Ghaith Abdul Ahad interviewed a village elder of Shahail (50 miles, or 80km, west of Mohassen in Deir al-Zour province), Saleem Abu Yassir, who is also a commander of the local FSA brigade.
He told Mr Abdul Ahad about jihadists: "Are they good fighters? Yes, they are, but they have a problem with executions. They capture a soldier and they put a pistol to his head and shoot him. We have religious courts and we have to try people before executing them."
The situation in Syria is also attracting jihadists from neighbouring countries as seen in Iraq a few years ago.
According to the New York Times, the intelligence community in the United States assesses that jihadists from the Iraqi branch of al-Qaeda are expanding to Syria.
In a video message last February, al-Qaeda's leader Ayman al-Zawahiri called on militants in Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey to rise up and support what he called "their brothers in Syria".
Jihadist forums announce the death of foreign fighters in Syria on a frequent basis - from Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Egypt and so on. The authorities in Jordan have arrested a couple of jihadists trying to sneak into Syria.
Other jihadist factions are operating on the ground.
Beside the local small groups such as Ahrar al-Sham, other jihadist groups such as Lebanon-based Fatah al-Islam which clashed with Lebanese authorities in 2007, and the Abdullah Azzam Brigades, which claimed responsibility for several attacks against Israel from south Lebanon since 2007, have shown a presence in Syria.
Al-Qaeda-affiliated jihadists, however, agree with the FSA in the short term; it is unlikely this agreement will last in the long run if the influence of jihadists increases.
23 March 2012 Last updated at 18:15 GMT
Q&A: Syria sanctions
The international community has imposed wide-ranging sanctions on President Bashar al-Assad's regime, in an attempt to put pressure on the Syrian government to stop using violence against demonstrators.
The Arab League, European Union, United States and Turkey have all imposed economic sanctions on Syrian individuals and companies. In March, First Lady Asma al-Assad became the latest person connected to the regime to be targeted for sanctions when EU foreign ministers imposed a travel ban and asset freeze on her.
What sanctions are already in place on Syria?
The EU, Syria's biggest trading partner, has imposed travel bans and asset freezes on more than 120 individuals and 40 companies. These include President Assad and most of his close family, the Syrian Central Bank and senior officials, including seven ministers.
Last year, the EU banned crude oil imports from Syria and in February it expanded sanctions to block trade in gold, precious metals and diamonds with Syrian public bodies and the central bank.
The US designated Syria a "state sponsor of terror" in 1979, a label which brought a raft of sanctions with it. Those have been added to since, by the Bush administration in 2004 and last year by Barack Obama in response to the current crisis. In August 2011 President Obama signed a new executive order, imposing sanctions on Syria's energy sector and freezing all Syrian government assets in the US.
Arab League members suspended Syria last November and imposed sanctions. They include the freezing of Syrian government assets in Arab countries, stopping dealings with the Syrian central bank, the suspension of commercial flights to and from Syria, halting investment by Arab governments for projects in Syria, and a travel ban on senior officials. However, some Arab states - particularly Syria's neighbours, said the sanctions would be difficult to apply.
Turkey announced plans to freeze Syrian government assets and suspend all financial dealings with Turkey on 30 November 2011. Foreign Minister Ahmed Davutoglu also said a co-operation agreement with Syria would be suspended until a new government was in place.
Canada, Australia and Switzerland have also imposed sanctions.
What is likely to have the biggest impact?
The EU's oil import ban is likely to hit Syria's economy hardest. Oil revenues account for around 20% of Syrian GDP. Before the EU ban, 90% of oil exports went to the EU, mainly to Germany, Italy and France.
According to some experts, when the ban came into force, Syria was confident that other buyers could be found, in China and India for example. However, initial indications are that other buyers have been harder to find than first thought and that production may have fallen as a result.
Enforcing a wider trade embargo may be more difficult, given that Syria's long borders have been historically porous and prone to smuggling, particularly those with Lebanon and Iraq.
Who are Syria's largest trading partners?
According to the European Commission, in 2010 the EU was Syria's biggest trading partner, accounting for 22.5% of Syrian trade, followed by Iraq (13.3%), Saudi Arabia (9%) and China (6.9%.) Turkey was in fifth place with 6.6% and Russia was ninth with 3%.
Who opposes sanctions on Syria?
Three members of the Arab League voted against Syria's suspension - Syria itself, Lebanon and Yemen, with Iraq abstaining.
Syria still exerts substantial influence in the politics of neighbouring Lebanon, which also abstained in a UN Security Council vote in October 2011 on a resolution backing the use of "targeted measures" against Syria if the clampdown continued.
That resolution was vetoed by Russia and China, who have expressed their opposition to UN involvement in Syria's internal affairs. Russia's UN Ambassador Vitaly Churkin expressed concerns that a resolution could lead to a Libyan-style foreign military intervention in Syria.
According to the Moscow-based Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies, current contracts for sales of arms and military equipment from Russia to Syria are worth at least $2.5bn (£1.58bn.)