Fetter The Principles of Economics
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particular set of durable agents; the difference between them was primarily in the agent that yielded them (though there were other complicating thoughts) rather than in the aspect of value they represented.
Rent as defined in this volume has the much broader meaning of the usufruct of any material agent as contrasted with the use-bearer. Usufruct is a conception most intimately related to that of consumption goods, but is logically one step further removed from want. Time-value, as here considered, is a broader conception than that of contract interest, for it has to do with the allpervading element of time in its influence on value. Some rents are logically, and in practical business as well, not measured over periods of time, but at the moment of their accrual. The measurement of time differences is mainly required in setting a valuation upon a more or less permanent use-bearer. This process, which is capitalization, has only recently been recognized to be the discounting of all the future uses to their present worth. While in its essence this is merely a problem in exchange value, it is the highest, subtlest, and most difficult of such problems. Its understanding presupposes rent, just as rent presupposes the analysis of wants and marginal utility. It is the outer zone of the value problem, carrying the thought of value years away (all but an eternity away) from present enjoyment.
While both rent and time value are widened so that each applies in some manner to all durable agents, it is a grave error to conclude hastily that the intention is to make synonymous the old terms rent and interest. Rent and time-discount remain essentially different stages in the value problem. Actual concrete net economic incomes as they arise are always rents. Interest never accrues in a concrete form except under the interest contract for a money loan (a contract income, not an economic income), and this evidently is a species of contract rent. Time-value is a phase of value connected (p. 415) logically with investment, or the calculation of future earning power; rents are both actual and expectative, or future, but as realized incomes they always express present earning power. Together, rent and capitalization embrace the whole problem of valuing durable material agents.
4. Wages and profits are of the same genus, the value of human services of different grades.
The attempt has been made in the foregoing treatment to show the unity between the problems of wages and profits, and to point out the difference between the conditions that surround them. Through the common characteristic, social utility, the employer’s service can be compared with the most ordinary or the most artistic labor. Profits and wages, therefore, are simply different aspects of the same question. A common power, or principle, is found in all objects of value, a power to gratify human wants. In the variety of human services and in material goods must be sought this unity.
The different kinds of services range from direct to most indirect goods. The commonest labor may serve welfare at the moment or may be embodied in a form to be used years later. In that light, wages seems a more complex problem than either rent or capitalization. But the moment the service embodies itself in a material good with future uses the general theory of capitalization applies to it.
§II. RELATION OF VALUE THEORIES TO SOCIAL REFORMS
1.The earlier theories of political economy implied a dismal view of the future of the masses. The theory of value one holds is sure to affect his view of economic progress and of
social reform. The theories from the middle of the eighteenth to the middle of the nineteenth centuries, however varied they were in other respects, nearly all gave a gloomy view of the
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condition of the laboringmen. The physiocratic school in France, the so-called “orthodox” economists in England (that is, the writers from about 1800 to 1850 that were in (p. 416) sympathy with the landholding or commercial classes), and the socialistic or laboring-class theorists, all inclined to this view. It was while this view prevailed that Carlyle characterized political economy by the term still sometimes heard—“the dismal science.” The thinkers of that time started their study of value at wages, and assumed that population would always increase so fast as to force labor to a bare subsistence. The other shares (or the other classes of society) were supposed then to absorb all the surplus income. Economics to-day is not especially lugubrious, and its more cheerful note is due as well to its changed theory of value as to the evidence of advancing welfare among the masses.
2. The socialistic theory of value, akin to the other, holds that capitalists absorb all the benefits of progress. The socialists (of the radical school) cla im that their theory is merely the logical conclusion to be drawn from the old “orthodox” theory, stated in its extremest form. Usually, however, the orthodox theorists softened and modified greatly the statement of their harsher views. The socialists have not been willing to recognize any ameliorating conditions. They say: economic theory shows that under a competitive condition of society the laboringman must be forever ground down in helpless misery; therefore the only hope of the laboring masses is to do away with competitive society and to substitute for it central, governmental control of all industry. They did not and do not attempt to distinguish carefully the part of production, due to brains and effort, from the part due to ownership of capital. The socialist theory is a plan for political agitation rather than a scientific theory of value. It was originated or elaborated by men such as Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, and Ferdinand Lassalle, as labor leaders and political agitators, who found a ready weapon in the bungling economic analysis of the time. The claim of a scientific basis for socialism has continued to be proudly made by their followers, but it has a tottering sup port in their defective theory of value. (p. 417)
3. The single-tax theory of value is that ground-rent automatically absorbs all benefits of progress. This is the most notable example of a plan of social reform growing out of an abstract theory of value. While the socialists first had their plan of social reform (or revolution), in whose support Marx’s fanciful theory of value was invented, Henry George appears first to have got hold of a theory of value that suggested his plan of social reform. Studying the political economy of Ricardo and Mill, he accepted their ideas regarding the hopeless outlook of the laboring classes, and their conception of the theory of ground-rent with its false implication that landowners get all the surplus in society. George thus came to believe that, with private ownership in land, competition steadily robbed all but landlords, even the nonlandholding capitalist, of any share in the benefits of progress. This theory of value is thought to explain all the poverty in the world. It calls, in the single-taxer’s opinion, for a radical measure of refo rm, namely, the taking of all rent of land for public purposes as a common instead of an individual income. If the theory of value on which it is based were sound, the doctrine would have irresistible reasons in its favor; if it is false, most of the argument falls to the ground, though there may still be substantial reasons of a different nature for the exceptional treatment of ground-rents for purposes of taxation.
4. Recent theories of value assign to labor a more hopeful position. A most optimistic theory of wages is “the residual claimant theory,” presented by Francis A. Walker. His view was that the various shares of production, such as land-rent, the income from machinery, etc., and the enterpriser’s profits, were fixed by forces independent of wages, and any increase in the product must therefore fall to the laborer as the residual claimant. This conclusion has the one merit of
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explaining somehow the rise in wages in the past century, but the fallacy of its method is too evident to call for exposure. Not to enter into the details of the method, it is (p. 418) enough to note that it involves the circular reasoning that land-rent is a surplus over cost of production, and is fixed regardless of wages, whereas the cost of production itself is made up of money wages.
Another American economist, John B. Clark, is led by his theory of profits to a most hopeful conclusion as to the future of wages. Profits he considers to be essentially the reward for improvements in productive processes, which gradually accrue to the general benefit. As profits thus disappear, the average wage-earner is correspondingly uplifted, a conclusion quite as hopeful as that of Walker. In discussing profits above, dissent from the narrow conception of their source has been expressed.
Some facts lend support to every one of these theories of social progress, but other facts refuse to be harmonized. The temptation to get a simple, dogmatic explanation of value should be resisted. When the interrelation of the factors is recognized there is little likelihood of concluding that some one of them will absorb all the benefits of progress. One is not driven to the extreme either of optimism or of pessimism. While the theory of value is not in itself a theory of society, it greatly influences social conclusions. Clear economic analysis is a condition to sound thinking on practical questions.
§III. INTERRELATION OF ECONOMIC AGENTS
1.The industrial process is a unity and the different agents bear an organic relation to each other. The problem of value is not one of physical division; it is one of logical analysis, and this
is not possible in isolation or without the competition of men. Production as now carried on is a social process; the determination of market price is a social process. The different agents are complementary goods, each necessary to the best use of the various other agents. The value of seed is not to be found apart from the use of the ground; or the value of the leather apart from the shoemaker or the (p. 419) thread he uses. When these things are brought together in society their value is found by the comparison and measurement of marginal utilities. Economic forces, like other classes of forces, act and react upon each other. Two bodies attract each other in space; two chemicals uniting are both trans formed into a substance differing from either. The economic result of materials and men cooperating is something differing from either factor, yet dependent on both.
2. The divisions of the older political economy are aspects of the general problem of value.
The divisions conventional in the text-books on political economy, namely, “production, exchange, distribution, and consumption,” have not been observed in the plan of this work. It has not seemed possible to accept the view that each of these phases of the vital economic process could be discussed completely apart from the others. Consumption must be studied at the beginning, as the basis of exchange value, and again at the end, when the circle of thought has returned to the use man makes of wealth; and it pervades the whole subject of value, for back of every price is the potential utility of the good. Exchange is coextensive with the whole process of associated industry; for wherever there is a price, there is exchange. Subjective value outside a market forms a small, though not negligible, part of the problem for the student of to-day. Production is implied in every exchange, as exchange is in all social production. They are, indeed, but different phases of the larger phenomenon, the economic process. Nor is distribution, considered in its impersonal or economic form, any other than the logical valuing of the shares of the factors in economic production. Impersonal distribution is coextensive with economic
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production. Whatever a good, logically considered, contributes to value in production that is its share of the product. Personal distribution, it is true, brings in other great influences which have been partly considered, but which will be treated more fully in the division to follow, on the influence of the state in the distribution of income. (p. 420)
~ad- 3. The law of diminishing returns is the broadest principle of value. The one character common to all goods is that their importance varies with their quantity in any given connection. This is true of direct goods whose power to gratify wants falls as the supply grows; it is true of indirect goods, whose technical importance diminishes as the quantity increases, and which when taken at any given cost can be applied, after a point, only with diminishing advantage. The gradual extension of the marginal principle from land used in agriculture to every conceivable economic agent is the most important development of the last century of economic theory.
It being true that things are measured by the utility of the unit used last, logically considered, the least change in the combination alters the value of all the factors. Practical economic problems, therefore are dynamic, not static. The view that the shares of the different factors are fixed by quite separate laws has not been accepted here. The law of rent is the same as the law of wages in its essential point and principle. It is a general law of value applied to a particular kind of wantgratifier. The law of substitution likewise is a general law, for within limits some substitution of factors is always possible along the margin. That being true, every movement of price creates its own resistance; sub stitutes will be found for materials, demand will decline, and a new equilibrium of price will be attained.
4. The factors and agents of production mutually furnish the field of employment for each other. Each factor is dependent for its technical efficiency on the presence of the other factors. If labor is plentiful and machines are scarce, machines bear a high rent. In accordance with the law of diminishing returns, the last unit of labor in that case contributes little to the product, and labor gets low wages, while more is attributed to the machine. Each machine thus may be considered to offer a field for the employment of labor. If population increases and land remains fixed, the need for (p. 421) food raises the rental value of land. But if population increases slowly, and capital and science progress, the field for the employment of labor is enlarged; and if new lands are opened up or new resources are discovered beneath the surface of the land, the field for labor is still more enlarged and a greater share is attributed to labor. This changing character of the problem must be recognized; no share is foreordained in size.
The pursuit of the analysis of value along the lines of marginal utility thus leads to conclusions far less mechanical, and, to the superficial student, less simple than were the [the] sic doctrines prevailing in the older economies. But the conclusions are, let us hope, more exact and more applicable to the real world, enabling the student to arrive at juster views of the present interests and of the future welfare of society.
DIVISION B—RELATION OF THE STATE
TO INDUSTRY
CHAPTER 44
FREE COMPETITION AND STATE ACTION
§I. COMPETITION AND CUSTOM
1.Economic freedom exists when men’s goods or their own services may be exchanged as they choose, without hindrance. Competition is but another expression for economic freedom. Where men are free to exchange their goods and to get the best price they can, and actually do
so, they are said to compete. The action of men in the mass follows pretty regular lines, corresponding to certain abiding mo tives. If one man dictated all industry, a very fragmentary science of economics would be possible; but the mass of men act according to some rule and are free so to act. When men are free to bring their goods to a market and get the best price possible, a single market price results.
When cost of production was believed to be the regulator of value, it was said that the law of value laid down was true “within the limit of free competition.” Market price varied ceaselessly from cost of production, and whenever it did “the law of value” as then formulated was admittedly invalid or inapplicable. The law of monopoly price was sup posed to be in marked contrast to the law of competitive prices. The law of prices, as followed in our study, stated in (p. 423) terms of marginal utility, is equally valid in competitive and in monopolistic conditions if there is merely one-sided, or buyers’, competition. Two-sided competition is not the sole, though it is the usual condition, which the economist takes account of in reasoning on the problem of price. Anything that keeps men from exchanging what they have for the best price, interferes with competition. Some of these hindrances have been noted, others are now to be.
2. Economic freedom does not mean equality of power or of efficiency. It was said in discussing monopoly that it was not to be understood to be merely either scarcity or superiority. To speak of the class of laborers of ability above that of the average day laborer as having a monopoly is certainly a confusion of monopoly with the scarcity of efficiency. The term competition is not easy to define in practice; for it is not easy to see just what part of a man’s inability to exchange is due to his own lack of efficiency, and what to things outside of himself which prevent him from exchanging his labor. But the thought is clear that free competition— economic freedom—is limited whenever men are hindered by any power outside themselves from using their economic power as they prefer. The limitations of competition, thus understood, are essentially social limitations, imposed by other men either unconsciously by custom, convention, tradition, or consciously by force or by laws. When, among Polynesian tribes, the custom of taboo prevailed, by which certain things were reserved to the rulers and were forbidden to the common man, there was a limitation on his economic freedom. Contrast such limits with those set by the penury of nature. The savage may like best to hunt, but if there is no game, he must fish; he may like best to make arrowheads, but in need of food he must dig roots. Economic action is limited by lack of knowledge and skill; the resources of nature lie unused under the feet of savages who are suffering from their lack. These are limitations not of economic freedom but of economic efficiency. (p. 424)
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3. In early society custom limits economic freedom in many ways. The savage is not a man without law; he is bound in many ways to prescribed lines of conduct. Primitive custom usually takes on a religious sanc tion, and every member of the tribe is compelled to do as his fathers have done and as his neighbors are doing. He is not free to choose. Custom in some ways is favorable to the welfare of society, for it limits the power of masters and rulers, preserves the rights of individuals to common property, and is in the interest of the weak as well as of the strong. In an age of force if it were not for custom, he who had might on his side could take all. So in early society even economic relations were complex and yet almost fixed—changing only slowly from generation to generation. Every such social custom that limits the choice of men limits economic freedom.
4. Custom ruled a large share of the industrial life of the Middle Ages. Political and economic interests were not clearly divided in the Middle Ages. Land was the allimportant kind of wealth. Military and other public services were performed by the vassal, who thus at the same time paid his taxes and the rent of the land. The landlord was at once the ruler, the receiver of rents, and the collector of taxes. The rent, however, was not a competitive price, but consisted of the dues and services the forefathers had been accustomed to pay. This limited slavery, like all other slavery, was wasteful, as it did no t give to the individual the strongest motive to increase the quantity and to improve the quality of his service. Trade became limited in almost every direction. Crafts and gilds arrogated to themselves the right of employment in their industries. No matter what talent the son of a peasant might show, he usually found it impossible and always found it difficult to follow the occupation of his choice. Privilege pervaded all the life of that time. In such conditions economic friction is great. Men are kept in trades below their ability, while others gain command of monopolistic and unearned returns. (p. 425)
Yet through all the Middle Ages ran the forces of competition. The inefficiency of customary services was a constant invitation to competitors. Men were striving to break over the barriers of custom and prejudice. The strife for freedom was the vital economic force even of the Middle Ages. The industrial history of that time is largely the story of the struggle of the forces of competition against the bounds of custom.
§II. ECONOMIC HARMONY THROUGH COMPETITION
1.The industrial events following the discovery of America strengthened the forces making for economic freedom. Discoveries in the Western hemisphere opened up a wide field for the adventure and enterprise of Europe. Commerce is the strongest enemy of custom, and new
opportunities gave a rude shock to the conservatism both of the manor and of the village. With the rapid growth of industry and manufactures, old methods broke down. In an open market custom declines; it flourishes best in sheltered places. Further, the movement of thought in the Reformation and the spirit of the time, expressing the principle of personal liberty, allowing the individual to follow his own opinions and take the consequences, were favorable to competition. Despite these facts the restraints of the national governments on trade continued great, in some respects increasing during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in France, Holland, and England. The regulation before attempted by towns and villages was employed on a larger scale by national governments with their commercial systems. The colonies in America were used for the economic ends of the “mother countries” and for the selfish interests of the home merchants in Europe. The American Revolution was one of the bitter fruits of the English policy of trade restriction.
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2. Adam Smith’s work advocating greater economic freedom had a profound influence upon public thought. “The (p. 426) Wealth of Nations,” the first great work on political economy, was published in the year 1776. That was the “psychological moment,” as public thought was so prepared for it that it had its maximum possible influence. The year of the American Declaration of Independence gave the most striking object lesson on the evils of a selfish colonial policy that interfered on a grand scale with economic freedom. The old customs had become ill fitted to life, ill adapted to the rapid industrial changes that were going on. What was needed in many directions, both in politics and in industry, was negative action by the government, the repeal of the old laws, the overthrow of old abuses. The French Revolution, following a few years later, emphasized this thought in the political field. The philosophers of the time believed in a “natural law” in industry and politics. The reformers of the time wished to throw off the trammels of the past and to give men opportunity to exert themselves “naturally.” In America the old abuses never had taken deep root, as the conditions of a new continent were not favorable to monopoly and privilege. Although the movement for the repeal of medieval laws has continued in Europe from 1776 till the present time, yet to-day custom is stronger in Europe than in America. Serfdom was not abolished until the nineteenth century in Austria and southeastern Europe, and not until a few years ago in Russia. Many economic and cultural forces furthered this movement, but the most powerful intellectual force in its favor was the work of Adam Smith. So strong an impression did Smith’s book make, that in the minds of men “free trade” became almost identical in thought with political economy, whereas that was but the temporary economic problem of the eighteenth century.
3. The doctrine of the “economic harmonies” is the extremest form of belief in the virtues of competition. Every truth in political philosophy finds some exaggerated expression. The main task of the student is to determine what shade of gray things are, rather than whether they are white (p. 427) or black. The belief in the benefits of competition and the virtues of economic freedom found expression in the doctrine of “the economic harmonies.” This is the faith that if men are left entirely free to do as their interest dictates, the highest and best efficiency for all will follow; it is the belief that the economic interests of all men are in harmony. The most striking evidence in support of this thought is the stimulating effect of selfinterest freely working in the field of competition. Each strives to do what will bring him the largest return, and the price others pay measures their estimate of the service. Each seeking his own interest is led to make himself more useful to others. Thus are men stimulated to sacrifice, to invention, to preparation; thus is zeal animated and are efforts sustained.
Through selfinterest the working force is distributed over the field of industry wherever it is most needed. The remarkable adjustment of industry to the needs of each neighborhood is brought about by individual motives, not by centralized authority. It is not mere chance that produces this harmony. Wherever consumers settle, stores are started and factories are built. Wherever work is to be done, men come in about the right number to do it. Skill is adjusted to needs by the delicate measurement of the market rate of wages. Competition gives a definite rule of price—certainly the only definite impersonal rule; some say the only just rule. The competitive price must be appealed to even in arbitration. It is the standard to which things tend constantly to adjust themselves in an open market.
4. Experience shows that the economic interests of men are only partly, not wholly, in harmony. That there is a great measure of truth in the statements just made, all must admit; but their application is limited. They are partial truths, never to be ignored, but quite false if taken, without modification, as practical rules of conduct. There are three species of competition in
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every market, that between sellers, that between buyers, and that between sellers on the one hand (p. 428) and buyers on the other. It is to the interest of the buyers that the sellers shall be numerous, eager, and freely competing. It is to the interest of the seller that supply shall be small, that sellers shall be united, and that buyers shall compete sharply. If at any point free competition is hindered, even the disciple of economic harmony must expect a discordant result. But in reality competition is rarely quite complete on both sides, and when it is not, the weak suffer. Men do not start with fair and equal opportunities. All that they may be entitled to under competition may be so little that social sympathy seeks to better the result; hence poor relief, public and private. Society as a whole has an interest in the outcome of the individual’s economic struggle. It cannot see men starving or driven into crime. But the argument need not be confined to such crude and extreme cases, for wherever economic interests are not in harmony and it is possible to further the social welfare, will not society be justified in acting?
§III. SOCIAL LIMITING OF COMPETITION
1.Undoubted evils result from some forms of competition under the conditions actually existing. Complete freedom must remain a somewhat abstract ideal, and actual conditions must
be recognized. Entire freedom of choice means freedom to make mistakes, a privilege whose enjoyment society cannot always permit. The child should be raised to good citizenship, and entire freedom of choice makes that impossible or improbable. The freedom of choice of the insane, the feebleminded, and the criminal, cannot be recognized. Even where competition is the ideal of sound adult humanity, it is not to be too suddenly or extremely applied. The inequality of faculties, the prevailing dishonesty, the mass of inherited abuses, cannot be either ignored or at once ended. The immigrant from Europe, plunged into the trying conditions of city life, suffers in health and in morals, and often be- (p. 429) comes a burden upon society. One of many competitors may drive competition to an evil extreme. The “problem of the twentieth man” is presented when nineteen men desire to limit competition in ways not socially harmful, as by closing shops on Sunday or in the evening, and the one man refuses. The appeal to economic harmony often is the cry of “peace, peace, where there is no peace.” The highest social result may be attained now by limiting, again by directing, in other cases possibly by fostering, competition.
2. The main rivals of competition are custom, religion, morality, combination, and state action. The first three of these were the strongest forces in the past and they are still operating; but combination and state action are more characteristic of the present. The influence of custom, of morality, and of religion on value, has been touched upon at several points in our study; that of combination has been recently and more fully discussed. But state action, one of the most important of all the limitations, has been reserved for the concluding portion of our work.
3. It is a function of the state to determine in part the ways in which men shall exert their powers. This is not the sole function of the state, nor is its influence toward this end exclusive. The state puts limits to the physical rivalry of men. In the distant past no doubt physical rivalry between men was an agent of progress. The strong drove out the weak; physical contest developed more vigorous limbs, keener senses, and higher sagacity. To-day it is one of the principal functions of the state to suppress the physical contest between men. The citizen is surrounded with a network of rules and regulations of which he is hardly conscious. Most men easily avoid coming into contact with the police and feel no irksomeness in the control of the civil courts. The state regulates economic interests in many other ways; it controls the building of
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streets; it inspects the material and construction of houses; it forbids acts injurio us to the public welfare; it regulates the issue of money; it determines the (p. 430) manner in which credit may be extended, the forms of taxation, and the direction which trade may legally take. The state has a part in shaping great industries of a public or semi-public nature, such as waterworks, railroads, and the postal system.
The state is as wise as the men who constitute it. Men make mistakes, therefore men collectively will make them. The state regulates and limits—now wisely, now foolishly; but its aim is to preserve the benefits of competition without its evils, to lift the competition to a higher plane, and, by determining the direction in which men shall put forth their efforts, to give a higher and truer economic freedom.
CHAPTER 45
USE, COINAGE, AND VALUE OF MONEY
§I. THE PRECIOUS METALS AS MONEY
1.Money we have defined as a material means of payment and medium of exchange, generally accepted and passing from hand to hand. The origin and function of money were set forth in the study of capital. The subject must now be approached from a different side and with
the two-fold purpose of seeing whether there is anything peculiar in the relation of money to the general problem of value, and what is the influence of the action of the state on the value of money. The definition of money implies several ideas. First, the words “generally accepted means of payment” imply that money, as something bearing the stamp of social approval, has a peculiar social character, is not an ordinary good. Second, the definition implies that money itself must be a thing having value, otherwise it could not serve as a medium of exchange. Exchange means the taking and giving of things of value. Money is, therefore, not merely an order for goods, as a card or paper requesting payment; it is itself a thing of value, though this value may be due solely to its possessing the money function. This point is one of the most difficult in the subject. Third, the definition implies that money is a material thing. The telegram when transferring an order for the payment of money, the spoken word, the promise to pay, etc., are not money. Fourth, it implies that money passes from hand to hand, is a thing that can be handled, and is or can be bodily transported. (p. 432)
The application of the definition is not always easy, for money shades off into other things that serve the same purpose and are related in nature. Even special students differ as to the borderline of the concept, but as to the general nature of money there is essential agreement. In many problems it appears to be at the same time like and unlike other things of value, and just wherein lies the difference often is difficult to determine. The use of money is of such social importance, and it touches so many practical interests, that it raises many questions of a political and ethical nature. There are perhaps more popular errors on this than on any other one subject in economics. Yet the general principles of money are as fully understood and as firmly established as any parts of economics.
2. The precious metals, gold and silver, are the standard, or primary, moneys in the world today. Primary, typical, standard money is the unit in which the value of the money of a country is expressed, no matter what its form is; the standard is a certain weight and fineness of a particular metal. Coins of this standard are called full, or real, money by some writers who deny the title of money to everything else. It has been shown before that there has been an evolution in the use of money. The more efficient forms, gold and silver, have competed with copper, iron, tin, cattle, salt, tobacco. In this contest silver had proved itself a few centuries ago to be the fittest medium of exchange, but in the last century gold has, among the leading nations, been displacing silver rapidly. In a higher degree than any other material, gold has the qualities of a good standard money in rich and industrially developed communities. The gold-using countries to-day are those of the western world. England for perhaps two centuries practically has had gold as its standard money; the United States since 1834 (except for the period of paper money from 1862 to 1879) France since about the year 1855, at which time she shifted from silver under the working of the bimetallic law; and Germany, then (p. 433) more backward industrially, since 1873. Australia and Japan have reached that result only within the last few years, and Italy, Russia, India,