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Europe

Russia and its image

Put in more flags

May 14th 2009 | MOSCOW From The Economist print edition

What military parades and song contests say about Russia’s future

AMID Russia’s anti-crisis measures, the military parade on Red Square on May 9th was spectacular. Some 9,000 soldiers goose-stepped past political leaders. Tanks, rocket launchers and ballistic-missile carriers scratched the cobblestones; bombers, jets and helicopters flew above St Basil’s Cathedral. The show is meant to mark victory in the second world war. But this genuinely national holiday has long been appropriated by the Kremlin for ideological ends. Rather than celebrating the war’s end, this military parade represented Russia’s readiness for a new fight.

President Dmitry Medvedev affirmed in his address that the lessons of the war against the Nazis were “relevant today, given the outsiders who are interested in embarking on military adventures.” And, making the reference to Georgia even more explicit, he added that “among the descendants of war heroes marching in the square are those who in actual battle have demonstrated the great fighting efficiency of the modern Russian army.”

There was no room in the celebrations to mention Russia’s wartime allies or to re-examine Stalin’s destructive war strategy. “The country that won the war has disappeared, self-destructed,” Viktor Astafyev, a late Russian writer and war veteran once wrote in a letter. “The more you lie about the past war, the quicker you bring about the next one,” he declared in another.

On his video-blog Mr Medvedev hit out at attempts to falsify history by former Soviet republics. Anyone who questions the official version of Russia’s victory or talks of Soviet occupation may soon face criminal charges in Russia. The Kremlin has massively rewritten history, approving textbooks that rehabilitate Stalin as an “effective manager.” And it often turns a blind eye to the fascist talk of ultra-nationalists.

At a time of financial crisis, this posturing is meant not only to project Russian invincibility but also to compensate for falling incomes and rising unemployment. To maximise the therapeutic value of the parade it was preceded by full-scale public rehearsals that won top billing in news bulletins. That some 100,000 Russian war veterans do not even have flats took second place to a show that cost an estimated 3 billion roubles ($94m), half of it for patching up the road surfaces it damaged.

Nor is Russia economising on another flag-waving event, the Eurovision song contest, which it is hosting. The coincidence of the two shows exemplifies the glitzy entertainment and sabre-rattling that are so close in Kremlin ideology. Konstantin Ernst, who commands Russia’s main state TV channel and is in charge of Eurovision, said it was the “external political effect” that mattered. The impact was heightened when Vladimir Putin, the prime minister, came fresh from the victory parade to the Olympic arena on May 9th to check up on preparations for the song contest. In the past Kremlinologists monitored Soviet leaders by their line-up above Lenin’s mausoleum. Now it is by their appearance at Eurovision.

After a year of Mr Medvedev’s presidency, a third of Russians feel that Mr Putin is still in charge; only 12% believe that Mr Medvedev has supreme power. In an interview with the Japanese media ahead of his visit there, Mr Putin did not duck the question of who might be Russia’s next president. “President Medvedev and I will decide what we will do, depending on the results of our work,” he said, adding that Mr Medvedev was a “very honourable man who would consider his political future according to the country’s interests.” This suggests that Mr Putin expects his protégé to honour whatever agreement they have reached. A popular vote does not seem to feature in the process.

Mr Putin’s comments have reinforced expectations that he will return as president (for two six-year terms) when Mr Medvedev’s term expires in 2012. As for Mr Medvedev, the Moscow rumour mill says he may fancy becoming boss of the constitutional court, a job that also falls vacant in 2012. Mr Medvedev recently suggested that the next head of the court should be chosen by the president. As a top lawyer, he would be in a position to ensure that none of Russia’s recent history was falsified.