- •The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations Edited by John Baylis and Steve Smith
- •Editor's Preface
- •Key Features of the Book
- •Contents
- •Detailed Contents
- •13. Diplomacy
- •14. The United Nations and International Organization
- •List of Figures
- •List of Boxes
- •List of Tables
- •About the Contributors
- •Introduction
- •From International Politics to World Politics
- •Theories of World Politics
- •Realism and World Politics
- •Liberalism and World Politics
- •World-System Theory and World Politics
- •The Three Theories and Globalization
- •Globalization and its Precursors
- •Globalization: Myth or Reality?
- •Chapter 1. The Globalization of World Politics
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction: a Globalizing World
- •Globalization: a Definition
- •Aspects of Globalization
- •Historical Origins
- •Qualifications
- •Key Points
- •Globalization and the States-System
- •The Westphalian Order
- •The End of History
- •The End of Sovereignty
- •The Persistence of the State
- •Key Points
- •Post-Sovereign Governance
- •Substate Global Governance
- •Suprastate Global Governance
- •Marketized Global Governance
- •Global Social Movements
- •Key Points
- •The Challenge of Global Democracy
- •Globalization and the Democratic State
- •Global Governance Agencies and Democracy
- •Global Market Democracy?
- •Global Social Movements and Democracy
- •Key Points
- •Conclusion
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Chapter 2. The Evolution of International Society
- •Reader's guide
- •Origins and Definitions
- •Key Points
- •Ancient Greece and Renaissance Italy
- •Key Points
- •European International Society
- •Key Points
- •The Globalization of International Society
- •Key Points
- •Problems of Global International Society
- •Key Points
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Chapter 3. International history 1900-1945
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction
- •The origins of World War One
- •Germany's bid for world power status
- •The 'Eastern Question'
- •Key points
- •Peace-making, 1919: the Versailles settlement Post-war problems
- •President Wilson's 'Fourteen Points'
- •Self-determination: the creation of new states
- •The future of Germany
- •'War guilt' and reparations
- •Key points
- •The global economic slump, 1929-1933
- •Key points
- •The origins of World War Two in Asia and the Pacific
- •Japan and the 'Meiji Restoration'
- •Japanese expansion in China
- •The Manchurian crisis and after
- •Key points
- •The path to war in Europe
- •The controversy over the origins of the Second World War
- •The rise of fascism and Nazism in Europe
- •From appeasement to war
- •Key points
- •Conclusion
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading General
- •World War I and after
- •World War II
- •Chapter 4. International history 1945-1990
- •Introduction
- •End of empire
- •Key points
- •The cold war
- •1945-1953: Onset of the cold war
- •1953-1969: Conflict, confrontation, and compromise
- •1969-1979: The rise and fall of detente
- •1979-86: 'The second cold war'
- •The bomb
- •Conclusion
- •General
- •The cold war
- •The bomb
- •Decolonization
- •Richard Crockatt
- •Introduction
- •Key points
- •Internal factors: the collapse of communism in the Soviet Union Structural problems in the Soviet system
- •The collapse of the Soviet empire
- •Economic restructuring
- •Key points
- •The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe
- •The legacy of protest in Eastern Europe
- •Gorbachev and the end of the Brezhnev doctrine
- •Key points
- •External factors: relations with the United States Debate about us policy and the end of the cold war
- •Key points
- •The interaction between internal and external environments
- •Isolation of the communist system from the global capitalist system
- •Key points
- •Conclusion
- •Key points
- •Chapter 6. Realism
- •Introduction: the timeless wisdom of Realism
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction: the timeless wisdom of Realism
- •Key points
- •One Realism, or many?
- •Key points
- •The essential Realism
- •Statism
- •Survival
- •Self-help
- •Key points
- •Conclusion: Realism and the globalization of world politics
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Chapter 7. World-System Theory
- •Introduction
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction
- •Key Points
- •The Origins of World-System Theory
- •Key Points
- •Wallerstein and World-System Theory
- •Key Points
- •The Modern World-System in Space and Time
- •Key Points
- •Politics in the Modern World-System: The Sources of Stability
- •States and the Interstate System
- •Core-States—Hegemonic Leadership and Military Force
- •Semi-peripheral States—Making the World Safe for Capitalism
- •Peripheral States—At home with the Comprador Class
- •Geoculture
- •Key Points
- •Crisis in the Modern World-System
- •The Economic Sources of Crisis
- •The Political Sources of Crisis
- •The Geocultural Sources of Crisis
- •The Crisis and the Future: Socialism or Barbarism?
- •Key Points
- •World-System Theory and Globalization
- •Key Points
- •Questions
- •A guide to further reading
- •Chapter 8. Liberalism
- •Introduction
- •Varieties of Liberalism
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction
- •Key points
- •Varieties of Liberalism
- •Liberal internationalism
- •Idealism
- •Liberal institutionalism
- •Key points
- •Three liberal responses to globalization
- •Key points
- •Conclusion and postscript: the crisis of Liberalism
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Chapter 9. New Approaches to International Theory
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction
- •Key Points
- •Explanatory/Constitutive Theories and Foundational/Anti-Foundational Theories
- •Key Points
- •Rationalist Theories: The Neo-Realist/Neo-Liberal Debate
- •Key Points
- •Reflectivist Theories
- •Normative Theory
- •Key Points
- •Feminist Theory
- •Key Points
- •Critical Theory
- •Key Points
- •Historical Sociology
- •Key Points
- •Post-Modernism
- •Key Points
- •Bridging the Gap: Social Constructivism
- •Key Points
- •Conclusion
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Chapter 10.International Security in the Post-Cold War Era
- •Introduction
- •What is meant by the concept of security?
- •The traditional approach to national security
- •The 'security dilemma'
- •The difficulties of co-operation between states
- •The problem of cheating
- •The problem of relative-gains
- •The opportunities for co-operation between states 'Contingent realism'
- •Key points
- •Mature anarchy
- •Key points
- •Liberal institutionalism
- •Key points
- •Democratic peace theory
- •Key points
- •Ideas of collective security
- •Key points
- •Alternative views on international and global security 'Social constructivist' theory
- •Key points
- •'Critical security' theorists and 'feminist' approaches
- •Key points
- •Post-modernist views
- •Key points
- •Globalist views of international security
- •Key points
- •The continuing tensions between national, international, and global security
- •Conclusions
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Web links
- •Chapter 11. International Political Economy in an Age of Globalization
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction: The Significance of ipe for Globalized International Relations
- •What is ipe? Terms, Labels, and Interpretations
- •Ipe and the issues of ir
- •Key Points
- •Words and Politics
- •Key Points
- •Thinking about ipe, ir, and Globalization States and the International Economy
- •The Core Question
- •What is 'International' and what is 'Global'
- •Key Points
- •What Kind of World have We made? 'International' or 'Global'?
- •Global Capital Flows
- •International Production and the Transnational Corporation
- •'Domestic' and 'International'
- •The Ideological Basis of the World Economy
- •Key Points
- •Conclusions: 'So what?'
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
- •Chapter 12. International Regimes
- •Introduction
- •Reader's guide
- •Introduction
- •Key Points
- •The Nature of Regimes
- •Conceptualizing Regimes
- •Defining Regimes
- •Classifying Regimes
- •Globalization and International Regimes
- •Security Regimes
- •Environmental Regimes
- •Communication Regimes
- •Economic Regimes
- •Key Points
- •Competing Theories: 1. The Liberal Institutional Approach
- •Impediments to Regime Formation
- •The Facilitation of Regime Formation
- •Competing Theories: 2. The Realist Approach
- •Power and Regimes
- •Regimes and Co-ordination
- •Key Points
- •Conclusion
- •Questions
- •Guide to further reading
Key points
• Neo-realists reject the significance of international institutions in helping many to achieve peace and security.
• Contemporary politicians and academics, who write under the label of liberal institutionalism, however, see institutions as an important mechanism for achieving international security.
• Liberal institutionalists accept many of the assumptions of realism about the continuing importance of military power in international relations but argue that institutions can provide a framework for co-operation which can help to overcome the dangers of security competition between states.
Democratic peace theory
Another 'liberal' approach to international security has gathered momentum in the post-cold war world. This centres on the argument that democratic states tend not to fight other democratic states. Democracy, therefore, is seen as a major source of peace (see Ch. 8). As with 'liberal institutionalism', this is a notion which has received wide support in Western political and academic circles. In his State of the Union Address in 1994 President Bill Clinton went out of his way to point to the absence of war between democracies as a justification for American policies of promoting a process of democratization around the world. Support for this view can be seen in the Western policy of promoting democracy in Eastern and Central Europe following the end of the cold war and opening up the possibility of these states joining the European Union.
'Democratic peace' theory has been largely associated with the writings of Michael Doyle and Bruce Russett. In the same way that contemporary realists have been influenced by the work of Hobbes, Rousseau, and Machiavelli, Doyle points to the importance of the insights contained in Immanuel Kant's 1795 essay, Perpetual Peace. Doyle contends that democratic representation, an ideological commitment to human rights, and transnational interdependence provide an explanation for the 'peace-prone' tendencies of democratic states. (Doyle 1995a: 180-4) Equally, the absence of these attributes, he argues, provides a reason why non-democratic states tend to be 'war-prone'. Without these domestic values and restraints the logic of power replaces the liberal logic of accommodation.
Supporters of democratic peace ideas, as a way of promoting international security in the post-cold war era, do not only argue that wars between democracies are rare or non-existent. They also contend that democracies are more likely to settle mutual conflicts of interest short of the threat or use of any military force. It is accepted that conflicts of interest will, and do, arise between democratic states, but shared norms and institutional constraints mean that democracies rarely escalate those disputes to the point where they threaten to use military force against each other, or actually use force at all. Much more than other states, they settle their disagreement by mediation, negotiation, or other forms of peaceful diplomacy. One of the benefits of democracy, according to Doyle, is that differences will be managed long before they become violent disputes in the public arena. There is clearly a close link here with the arguments put forward by supporters of the concept of 'mature anarchy', discussed above.
These democratic peace arguments are not designed to reject realism completely but to suggest that liberal democracies do make rather more of a difference in international politics than realist writers accept. Bruce Russett has argued that there is no need to jettison the insights of realism which tell us that power and strategic considerations affect states' decisions to fight each other. But neither should one deny the limitations of those insights, and their inability to explain many of the instances when liberal states have chosen not to fight or to threaten one another. For Russett the danger resides in 'vulgar realism's' vision of war of all against all, 'in which the threat that other states pose is unaffected by their internal norms and institutions' (Russett 199S: 175).
Russett argues that democratic values are not the only influence permitting states to avoid war; power and strategic Influences undoubtedly affect the calculations of all states, including democracies. And sometimes these strategic considerations can be predominant. Shared democracy, however, he believes, is important in International affairs and should not be ignored in any attempt to dampen down the security dilemma and achieve greater security. He is not saying that shared democratic values by themselves will eliminate all wars but, like liberal institutionalists, he argues that such values will contribute to a more peaceful world.