- •Брикс – африка:
- •Содержание
- •Contents
- •Предисловие
- •Глава I. Брикс как новый игрок в мире и африке
- •1. Новая роль Африки в мировой экономике XXI века
- •2. Страны брикс и реформа мировой финансовой архитектуры
- •Консолидация финансовых позиций брикс
- •Динамика изменений доли групп государств и отдельных стран в системе квот и голосов мвф (то и другое в % от общего числа)
- •Битва за голоса и квоты
- •Организованные рынки капиталов
- •Консолидированная финансовая мощь Юга
- •Эхо валютных войн
- •3. Брикс и Африка потенциал партнерства и взаимодействия
- •Ускорение экономического развития – основа консолидации партнерских отношений брикс – Африка
- •Независимость, равноправие, демократический правопорядок – основные векторы международного взаимодействия
- •Уровень совпадения позиций стран брикс при голосовании в га оон
- •Брикс и Африка и проблемы формирования новой системы глобального управления
- •Торгово-экономическое партнерство – важный фактор сотрудничества
- •«Африканская повестка дня» брикс
- •Заключение
- •Глава II. Африканская политика стран-членов брикс
- •1. Современная политика Бразилии в Африке (2003–2012)
- •Contemporary Brazilian foreign policy in Africa (2003–2012)
- •Brazilian foreign policy to Africa under Lula
- •Brazilian foreign policy to Africa under Rousseff
- •Brazilian development cooperation in Africa
- •Recent Brazilian engagements with African nations
- •Advantages and challenges in Brazil’s African Strategy
- •Conclusion
- •References
- •2. Российские экономические интересы в Африке
- •Вопросы внешней торговли
- •Внешняя торговля России с Африкой
- •Объем внешней торговли России со странами Африки к Югу от Сахары за 2012 год (долл. Сша)
- •Товарная структура российско-африканской внешней торговли (2009 г.)
- •Поставки оружия странам Африки в 2003–2010 гг. (в млн долл.)
- •Российские инвестиции в Африке
- •Прямые инвестиции крупных российских компаний в африканские страны
- •Участие России в програмах помощи Африке
- •Взаимодополняемость сырьевой базы России и Африки
- •3. Динамика индийско-африканских отношений в ххi веке Changing Dynamics of India-Africa Relations
- •In the 21st Century
- •Trade and Investment
- •India’s Investments in Africa
- •Capacity-building
- •4. Brics: Dynamics, Resilience and the role of China
- •Different Names
- •Vista 5
- •Brics: Achievements and Weaknesses
- •The Role of China
- •5. South Africa’s Africa Policy in the Context of brics Interests Abstract
- •Key Issues in South Africa’s Africa Policy within the context of brics interests
- •South Africa’s leading role in African affairs: multilateral engagement in the interests of the continent
- •Unity and solidarity between South Africa’s Africa policy and brics interests
- •Conclusion and Recommendations
- •Глава III. Африканская повестка брикс
- •1. Роль стран брикс в урегулировании конфликтных и кризисных ситуаций в Африке
- •Десять ведущих стран по уровню взносов на финансирование операций оон по поддержанию мира в 2013–2015 гг.
- •Национальный состав миротворческих сил оон на 31 октября 2012 г.
- •2. Брикс и реализация Целей развития тысячелетия в Африке
- •3. Партнерство брикс и Африки в области достижения цели продовольственной безопасности
- •4. Содействие развитию инфраструктуры в Африке – приоритетное направление усилий стран брикс
- •Приток инвестиций в инфраструктурные проекты
- •Подводя итоги, извлекая уроки
- •5. Деятельность брикс по расширению доступа стран Африки к новейшим технологиям
- •Глава IV. Имидж брикс: взгляд из Европы и Африки
- •1. Брикс в Африке в контексте интересов ес
- •2. Формирование образа брикс в странах субсахарской Африки (на примере Танзании)
- •330 III brics Summit: Sanya Declaration. Sanya, April 14, 2011.
Глава II. Африканская политика стран-членов брикс
1. Современная политика Бразилии в Африке (2003–2012)
Contemporary Brazilian foreign policy in Africa (2003–2012)
The African continent has become the region that has attracted the most interest on the part of emerging powers as these countries seek markets, resources and political allies. While considerable attention has been given to Indian and Chinese engagement in Africa, less attention is dedicated to contemplating Brazil’s role in the continent, and therefore, the present contribution wishes to address this gap by looking at contemporary Brazilian foreign policy towards Africa, from the government of President Lula da Silva (2003-2010) up until the first two years of the current administration by President Dilma Rousseff (2010-ongoing).
Brazil benefits from several different identity labels in its interaction with Africa: as a developing, South Atlantic, Portuguese-speaking nation, and these different identity labels will be contemplated in the analysis that follows. Brazil’s current engagement with the continent is not a new strategy by Brazilian diplomacy, but reflects a perception that was already present in the country in the 1970s and that represented a revision of Brazilian policy towards the continent. Brazil had initially supported Portuguese colonialism in Africa at the UN during the late 1940s and 1950s, but for a short period in the 1960s (the so-called “Independent Foreign Policy” period104) Brazil began to present a different stand regarding the decolonization process in Africa. At that time, Brazil was interested in diversifying its international partners and the Foreign Ministry began to articulate an African policy that would only became a reality in the mid-1970s.
If during the 1970s Brazil sought close ties with the developing world, the 1980s and 1990s represented a period of disengagement with the continent, particularly because of the impact of several economic crisis in the country. Brazil was described in the 1990s as having turned its back to Africa (Saraiva, 2010).
As will become clear from the sections bellow, Brazil currently identifies that Africa is essential to the success of Brazil’s pursuit of greater voice and recognition in the international arena. Brazilian elites believe that Brazil’s role and position in the international system is smaller than what it should be, and this assumption is mostly based on Brazil’s territorial size and population, and in the last years, in the size and strength of its economy.
In order to reduce the gap between Brazil’s aspirations and the reality of international politics, among other measures, the Brazilian government has appointed several Brazilian nationals to run for elections in international bodies, such as the World Trade Organization’s Directorate, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the support of the African continent, with over 50 votes is considered as essential for the success of these candidates. As an illustrative case, in June 2010, José Francisco Graziano was elected as FAO’s Director General (2012 to 2015) in great part because of a campaign that emphasized food security and appealed to developing countries, especially African nations, and during his inauguration speech on January 2012, he mentioned that Africa would be a priority during his mandate at FAO105. Brazil’s desire for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council also reflects the importance of obtaining political support from African nations, which represent more than 50 votes within a UN General Assembly of 193 states106.
In terms of the engagement, it should be mentioned that the Brazilian engagement in Africa benefits from the high level of professionalism on the part of Brazilian diplomats and the country’s broad representation overseas, especially the opening of new embassies under former President Lula. Compared to other developing countries, Brazil benefits from a high number of diplomatic representations in Africa and currently has 37 embassies serving the continent. It should be stressed that 17 of these were inaugurated during the Lula government (2003-2010)107. The high number of diplomatic representations leaves Brazil only behind major powers in international politics in terms of diplomatic representation in the continent, with the United States having a total of 49, China 48, France 36 and Russia 38 embassies . Brazil is also followed closely by emerging powers who also wish to increase their presence in the continent, India has a total of 27 embassies and Turkey has 31, of which 20 opened in the last 3 years108.