Vocabulary:

GDP = ВВП

rebuff – давать отпор, противостоять

backslide – отказываться от прежних убеждений

overhaul – перестраивать, совершенствовать

neck-and-neck – зд. быть на равных (правах)

Задания

1. Выполните лингво-переводческий анализ текста по схеме:

Реципиент:

• индивидуальный,

• групповой,

• коллективный (массовый).

Источник – анонимный/авторский:

• индивидуально-авторский,

• индивидуально-групповой,

• коллективный.

КОММУНИКАТИВНОЕ ЗАДАНИЕ ТЕКСТА

Виды информации (с указанием преобладающего вида):

а) когнитивная,

б) оперативная (= апеллятивная),

в) эмоциональная,

г) эстетическая (как подвид эмоциональной информации).

СРЕДСТВА РЕЧЕВОГО ОФОРМЛЕНИЯ:

• на уровне текста (когезия, темпоральность/атемпораль-ность;

• тип модальности);

• на уровне предложения (полносоставность предложения, тема-рематическое членение, семантика подлежащего, номи-нативность/вербальность высказывания, наличие пассивных конструкций);

• на уровне слова и словосочетания (термины, фразеоло-гизмы, пословицы, клишированные метафоры, сравнения и т.п.).

2. Выявите систему языковых средств, оформляющих текст данной статьи.

3. Определите, есть ли в тексте:

• термины,

• клише,

• прецизионная лексика.

4. Выполните письменный перевод текста на русский язык, соблюдая специфику данного жанра.

Т е к с т 2. Global Warming Negotiations Must Move Forward Without the United States

(2.400)

(Opening remarks of Alden Meyer, Union of Concerned Scientists, at the Climate Action Network press conference, December 13, 2004, in Buenos Aires, Argentina)

While there are many technical and tactical issues being discussed at these negotiations, there is one overriding strategic issue: what to do about the United States?

The Bush administration has made its position crystal clear: the United States will not engage in any negotiations or discussions about mandatory emissions limits before 2012 at the earliest. Of course, unless the U.S. Constitution is changed to allow President Bush to run for a third term, this "just say no" position will only stand until early 2009, when the next president takes office.

Under President Bush, U.S. greenhouse gas emissions will continue to increase in the years ahead. Fifty years from now, the Bush presidency will likely be remembered for two things: the war in Iraq, and the utter irresponsibility of the president's climate policy.

For negotiators here in Buenos Aires, the U.S. government's position leaves three options for future negotiations.

First, they could try to engage the Bush administration on post-2012 climate policy. Given the administration's posture, this would be like talking to a brick wall.

Second, they could wait for the next administration to take office in four years to start negotiations on what comes next. Given the urgent need to minimize the impacts of climate change, the world can't afford such a delay. Also, this would create uncertainty amongst the world's businesses, just now starting to adjust to the reality of binding emissions limits under the Kyoto Protocol, as to whether those limits will in fact continue and deepen post-2012.

The third option is to start negotiations next year, as called for in the Kyoto Protocol, without any expectation of meaningful participation by the United States. This should be done in a way that makes U.S. re-entry into the process possible under the next U.S. administration. This last option is far from ideal, but is the only one that holds out any prospect for progress.

The European Union must take the lead in these negotiations, by engaging major developing countries such as Brazil, China, and India, and by declaring now that it will move forward with further emissions reductions post-2012 even in the face of U.S. inaction. Implementation of its existing Kyoto commitments will also show how seriously the EU takes this issue, and will demonstrate the fallacy of President Bush's claim that meeting the Kyoto targets can only come at the costs of the economy and jobs.