86 A Reference Grammar of Russian

djp ‘wagon’). There was another type of ablaut, between full grade and reduced grade, and traces of this r e d u c t i v e a b l a u t (in Slavic, e* *ı > e m;a* u* > o () remain in the allomorphy of verbs such as 1sg ,thé (full grade) inf ,hƒnm ‘take’ (reduced grade). Somewhat more productive is the reflex of q u a n t i t a t i v e a b l a u t in the formation of secondary imperfectives. The original alternation of a* a¯ > o a is still visible in, for example, jnnjkryénm/jnnƒkrbdfnm ‘push away’ (in which it must be an extension, since the o is not original). The alternations in the stems of gjlj,hƒnm/gjl,bhƒnm ‘pick up’, dßpdfnm/dspsdƒnm ‘call out’ also go back to quantitative Ablaut of the reduced grade ( *ı ¯ı > m i > º [C¸i]; u* u¯ > ( y > º [CoÈ]). This alternation can be described synchronically as an alternation of no vowel with {i}, either with palatalization in the preceding consonant (gjl,bhƒnm<if> ‘pick up’ {-b˛ir-aj-}) or without (dspsdƒnm<if> ‘call forth’ {-ziv-a(j)}). Such residues of earlier ablaut can be treated as part of the lexical allomorphy of verbs.

2.5.5 Morphophonemic {o}

Hundreds of years ago, e changed to o under certain conditions -- under stress before hard consonants (nom pl s†la > c=kf ‘villages’, nom pl ˇz†ny > ;=ys ‘wives’) and in final open position ( pitm† > gbnm= ‘drinking’), while e remained unchanged under stress before a palatalized consonant ( selmsk(jm > c†kmcrbq ‘village’s’). Unstressed, this e did not change to o, and the reflex of unstressede is realized as [ì] after soft consonants ( seló > ctkj´ [s˛ìlj´]) and as [ï] after

hardened palatals ( ˇzenƒ > ;tyƒ [zïnƒ]).

‹

If the original pattern had been preserved without change, it would have

resulted in a synchronic pattern of {¸óC		o	ˇo	óC	o	ˇo	†C¸		ˇo	ï}
			C¸†C¸ C¸ì} (or {S			S		S
ˇo	); in simplified terms, the pattern would be {óC							o	†C¸
after hardened palatals S

ì}. The original distribution has been eroded in various ways. Original ˇe did not change to o and then subsequently merged with e, leaving many tokens of [†] before hard consonants that derive from ˇe: n†kj ‘body’, v†cnj ‘place’, w†ksq ‘whole’. In addition, e was preserved as [†] before formerly soft consonants that have hardened before other consonants: ;†ycrbq ‘female’, ex†,ysq ‘teaching’. As a result, we now find [†] as well as [ó] before hard consonants.

The earlier pattern {óCo †C¸ ì} is still preserved in some derivational nests, but there has been a tendency, gradual and long-term, to generalize [ó] at the expense of [†]. Thus hti†nxfnsq ‘latticed’ can now be hti=nxfnsq ‘latticed’, in deference to nom pl hti=nf ‘grates, lattice’. Pd=plxfnsq ‘starry’ has already adopted [o] from pl=pls, itself derived by analogy to the alternation of {óCo

†C¸ ì} in ;tyƒ ‘woman’, nom pl ;=ys.

Within nominal paradigms, alternation has been eliminated (except for nom sg x=hn, nom pl x†hnb ‘devil’). In particular, the [ó] does not revert to [†] before

Sounds 87

Table 2.12 Ref lexes of the {óCo †C¸ ì} pattern in verbs

{CVCo -ƒ- : CVCj -}	[ì] / inf, 1sg prs	[†] / prs	[ó] / if, psv
‘hew’	-ntcƒnm	-n†itim	-n=csdfnm, -n=cfy
‘tousle’	-nhtgƒnm	-nh†gktim	-nh=gsdfnm, -nh=gfy
‘scratch’	-xtcƒnm	-x†itim	-x=csdfnm, -x=cfy
‘lash’	-[ktcnƒnm	-[k†otim	-[k=cnsdfnm, -[k=cnfy

the palatalized consonants of the (dative-)locative singular (j v=lt ‘about honey’, j rk=yt ‘about the maple’) or before palatalized velars (o=rb ‘cheeks’).

Matters are complex in the root vocalism of verbs; it depends on the class of verb. There are two classes of verbs in which the alternation {óCo †C¸ ì} is still visible.

One group is obstruent-stem verbs. Stressed [ó] is found in the masculine past (l-participle), e.g., pekl(> g=r ‘he baked’, nesl(> y=c ‘he carried’. This is one of the few forms of such verbs in which the root vowel is actually stressed. The past active participle at one time had [†], but now has [ó], e.g., ghby†cibq > ghby=cibq ‘having brought’. In velar-stem verbs, the infinitive is also stressed and the vocalism is [†] (e.g., g†xm), while [ó] appears in the masculine singular (g=r), implying {óCo<msc sg pst> †C¸<inf> ì<elsewhere>} for velar-stem verbs. This pattern has been imposed on verbs with etymological ˇe, which otherwise should have become [†]: edk=r ‘he carried away’, ghtyt,h=u ‘he neglected’. Recently c=r has become possible as the masculine past of c†xm ‘hack’, in a root with etymological ˇe. To judge by warnings in normative manuals, a pronunciation with [o]⁄has long been an alternate pronunciation for pfghz´u ‘he harnessed’.

The one other class of verbs in which the alternation {óCo †C¸ ì} occurs

0	´ j	-}. In these verbs, [ì] occurs in the infinitive, past, and
is the type {CVC	-ƒ- : CVC

first-singular present; [†] occurs in the other forms of the present; and [o]⁄is found in the derived imperfective and passive participle, as illustrated in Table 2.12. Other verb conjugations do not have a three-way alternation in vocalism. Verbs with fixed stress on the stem have [†] or [o]⁄but no alternation: -l=hyenm ‘jerk’,

-l=hytim, -l=hubdfnm, -l=hyen; -l†kfnm ‘do’, -l†kftim, -l†ksdfnm, -l†kfy. Verbs with retracted stress in the imperfective and passive participle have an alternation of unstressed [ì] with either [o]⁄(-vtnyénm ‘cast’, -vtny=im, -v=nsdfnm, -v=nyen) or [†] (-cktl∫nm ‘follow’, -cktl∫im, -ck†;bdfnm, -ck†;ty), but again there is no three-way alternation. The upshot is that the original pattern {óCo †C¸ ì} that arose out of the change of e > o / Co is virtually moribund; it has remained only in quite specific lexical groups.

88 A Reference Grammar of Russian

2.5.6 Nulland full-grade vocalism

In certain words there is an alternation at the end of the stem between the presence of a vowel and the absence of a vowel: nom sg vj´[, gen sg v[f ‘moss’; gen pl yj´;tr, nom sg dim yj´;rf ‘foot’; nom sg ,j,=h, gen sg ,j,hƒ ‘beaver’. The absence of vowel, or null grade, is found when a vowel follows, as happens in most inflectional forms. The overt vowel, or full grade, occurs when no inflectional vowel follows, when the ending is “zero.”

These “fleeting” vowels come from two historical sources. Some stems ended in jer vowels, whether in the root ( m(x() or a derivational suffix (the adjectival suffix -mn-, the diminutive suffix -mk-/ -(k-). Whenever a vowel other than a jer followed the stem, as happened in most inflectional endings, the stem jer was “weak” and was lost. It was “strong,” and kept, only if the following inflectional ending contained a weak jer. Such weak jers were the source of zero endings in declension that now elicit the full grade in the root. This happens in the declension of nouns in the nominative singular of Declension<Ia> and Declension<IIIa> (there also in the instrumental) and the genitive plural of Declension<Ib> and Declension<II>.

This source of vowel alternations was supplemented by a tendency to break up clusters of obstruent and sonorant at the end of words by inserting an anaptyctic vowel. Such clusters arose in the same morphological environments as those in which jers were vocalized. For this reason there are two historical sources of alternation between what might be termed null grade (no vowel) and full grade in the same morphological contexts. The synchronic reflexes of these two sources are similar and can be discussed together with a little caution.99

There are three patterns. First, the overt vowel, if stressed, is realized as [ó], not under stress as [ə]; the preceding consonant is hard, or Co. This pattern occurs in specific lexical items (lyj´ ‘bottom’, gen pl lj´y) and with the diminutive suffix (gk∫nrf ‘plate’, gen pl gk∫njr) and specifically after a preceding velar (juj´ym ‘fire’). (Examples are given in Table 2.13.) In notation, this pattern of vowels is {º Co{ó ə}} -- an alternation of {-º-} with full grade, which is then either stressed [ó] or unstressed [ə].

Secondly, the preceding consonant is Ci -- either paired soft or a palatal. The

vowel under stress is [o], [ì] in unstressed position. In notation: {º Ci{ó ì}}.

⁄

It occurs before velars (rjy=r ‘hobbyhorse’; cthmuƒ ‘earring’, gen pl cth=u) and hard dentals (dtckj´ ‘oar’, gen pl d=ctk, nom sg ,j,=h).

99 To describe alternations between full and null grades synchronically, there are three options: deletion of an underlying mid vowel in certain specified contexts; insertion of a vowel in clusters in specified contexts; or a static (non-derivational) relation of alternate lexical forms, some with the vowel (full grade) and some without (null grade). The last approach is assumed here.

Table 2.13 Vowel-zero variants (genitive plural, nominative singular)

					stressed			unstressed
lexical				(nom sg) gen pl	[j´]	≤j≥	rf,fhuƒ rf,fhj´u, pkj´	[´]	≤j≥	---
							pj´k, lyj´ lj´y
				nom sg (gen sg)			vj´[ v[ƒ, kj´, k,ƒ,			kƒgjnm kƒgnz
							kjvj´nm kjvnΩ
suffixal {-k-} (nom sg) gen pl					[j´]	≤j≥	---	[´]	≤j≥	gk∫nrf gk∫njr, hjuƒnrf
										hjuƒnjr, dtl=hrj dtl=hjr
				nom sg (gen sg)			recj´r recrƒ, uhe,eij´r			ré,jr ré,rf, bp,s´ njr
							uhe,eirƒ kbcnj´r kbcnrƒ			bp,s´ nrf, ltcz´njr ltcz´nrf,
							;yxj´r ;yxrƒ			jcnƒnjr jcnƒnrf
				(nom sg) gen pl	[j´]	≤j≥	---	[´]	≤j≥	rérkf rérjk, ré[yz ré[jym,
										nz´ukj nz´ujk
≤j≥				nom sg (gen sg)			juj´ym juyz´, ,euj´h ,euhƒ			cd=rjh cd=rhf, éujk éukf,
										éujkm éukz, l=ujnm l=unz,
										yj´ujnm yj´unz rj´ujnm rj´unz,
			{To Ko}							kj´rjnm kj´rnz
/C				(nom sg) gen pl	[j´]	≤=≥	itcnthyz´ itcnth=y,	[ì]/[ï]	≤t≥	gjkjnyj´ gjkj´nty, dtlhj´ d=lth,
						(≤t≥)	ctcnhƒ ctcn=h			dtckj´ d=ctk, g†cyz g†cty,
										,hƒiyj ,hƒity
				nom sg (gen sg)			rjn=k rjnkƒ, g=c gcƒ,			,é,ty ,é,yf, d†nth d†nhf,
							k=l kmlƒ, ,j,=h ,j,hƒ,			éptk épkf, ,fhƒitr ,fhƒirf
							hj;j´y hj;yƒ, yj;j´r

yj;rƒ, rjy=r rjymrƒ, gepsh=r gepshmrƒ but [ht,†n [ht,nƒ

Table 2.13 (cont).

stressed

unstressed

ˇo

{T

o

o

} (nom sg) gen pl

[ì]/[ï]

héxrf héxtr, yj´;rf yj´;tr,

/S

K

[j´]

≤j≥

ibirƒ ibij´r, cthmuƒ

≤t≥

cth=u, ls´ ymrf ls´ ytr,

cj´irf cj´itr

rbirƒ rbij´r

/C

Po

(nom sg) gen pl

[†]

≤t≥

rjhxvƒ rjhx†v, nmvƒ

[ì]

≤t≥

celm,ƒ célt,, ecƒlm,f ecƒlt,,

n†v, celm,ƒ

n/hmvƒ n÷htv, rjivƒ rj´itv

cel†, (archaic)

(rj´iv)

nom sg (gen sg)

[†]/[j´]

k†d kmdƒ, yf=v yƒqv

---

/C

C¸

(nom sg) gen pl

[†]

≤t≥

ptvkz´ ptv†km

[ì]

≤t≥

rƒgkz rƒgtkm

nom sg (gen sg)

htv†ym htvyz´

k∫dtym k∫dyz

/C

c

(nom sg) gen pl

[†]

≤t≥

ckjdwj´ ckjd†w, ctkmwj´

[ì]

≤t≥

ld†hwf ld†htw, p†hrfkmwt

ctk†w, rhskmwj´ rhsk†w

p†hrfktw

nom sg (gen sg)

jn†w jnwƒ, ;bk†w

gƒktw gƒkmwf

;bkmwƒ, rjy†w rjywƒ

/C

j

(nom sg) gen pl

[†]

≤t≥

cnfnmz´ cnfn†q

[ì]

≤t≥

uj´cnmz uj´cnbq (≤b≥)

nom sg (gen sg)

hex†q hexmz´, cjkjd†q

éktq ékmz, ∫htq ∫hmz, x∫htq

cjkjdmz´,

djhj,†q

x∫hmz

djhj,mz´,

vehfd†q

vehfdmz´

Sounds 91

The third pattern is one in which [†] occurs under stress along with [ì] not under stress. The preceding consonant is Ci. In notation, the pattern is: {º Ci{† ì}}. It occurs by default, when the lexical conditions for {º Co{ó ə}} and the phonological conditions for {º Ci{ó ì}} are not met. It is relevant to note that, before hard labials, one might expect the same vowel as with hard velars and dentals, but in fact the majority of the few forms have {º Ci{† ì}} rather than {º Ci{ó ì}}.

The distribution of variants is summarized in Table 2.13.

Matters are analogous but simpler in the masculine predicative (short) form of adjectives. The majority of tokens of fleeting vowels involve suffixal {-n-}, from-mn-. Synchronically the alternation is the pattern {º Ci{ó ì}}. Observe: A F T E R P A L A T A L S , cvtiyj´q ‘amusing’, cvtij´y (note spelling with ≤j≥), nj´iysq ‘nauseating’, nj´ity; A F T E R L A B I A L S A N D D E N T A L S , évysq ‘intelligent’, ev=y; lehyj´q ‘bad’, leh=y; elj´,ysq ‘comfortable’, elj´,ty; rhƒcysq ‘beautiful’, rhƒcty. This {º Ci{ó ì}} is also the pattern for anaptyctic vowels in clusters in which the second consonant is a dental: j´cnhsq ‘sharp’, jcn=h; r∫cksq ‘sour’, r∫ctk. A velar normally conditions {º Co{ó ə}}, hence [ə] for the unstressed position: lj´kubq ‘long’, lj´kju; vz´urbq ‘soft’, vz´ujr. If the preceding consonant is soft or a palatal, palatalization is maintained, and the pattern is {º Ci {ó ì}}: uj´hmrbq ‘bitter’, uj´htr [ì]; [éltymrbq ‘thin’, [éltytr [ì]; ,j´qrbq ‘boisterous’,

,j´tr [ì]; nz´;rbq ‘difficult’, nz´;tr [ï].

From the range of contexts the following generalizations emerge. The pattern {º Co{ó ə}} is restricted; it occurs with a limited number of individual lexical items, with suffixal {-k-}, and after a velar. If the specific conditions for {º Co{ó ə}} are not met, then either {º Ci{ó ì}} or {º Ci{† ì}} occurs, which are the same for unstressed vowels. Under stress, they are distributed complementarily according to the following consonant. Before (hard) velars and hard dentals (not [c]), the pattern is {º Ci{ó ì}}, with stressed [ó], and elsewhere {º Ci{† ì}}, with stressed [†].

There are some additional, rather specific, contexts in which full-null ablaut occurs. Prefixes acquire {o} (usually unstressed) before roots with the null grade, for example: cjlhƒnm (clthé) ‘rip off’, gjlj,hƒnm (gjl,thé) ‘pick up’, cjpdƒnm ‘call together’, jnjvhé (jnvth†nm) ‘die off’. The roots which condition the full grade in prefixes have to be specified lexically. Prepositions likewise adopt ≤j≥ before certain roots (§4.2.2).