112A Reference Grammar of Russian

root stress: {R : R}. (In recent times c†xm ‘hack’, originally {R : T}, has been shifting to the productive stress pattern in the past: c†r, c†rkf, c†rkb > c=r, ctrkƒ, ctrk∫.) For other verbs the stress pattern is {R : T}: uhßpnm ‘gnaw’ (uhspé, uhsp=im, uhßp, uhßpkf); rhƒcnm ‘steal’ (rhflé, rhfl=im, rhƒk, rhƒkf); rkƒcnm ‘place’ (rkflé, rkfl=im, rkƒk, rkƒkf); gƒcnm ‘fall’ (gflé, gfl=im, gƒk, gƒkf) and (j-)cnh∫xm ‘shear’ (jcnhbué, jcnhb;=im, jcnh∫u, jnch∫ukf). Ghz´cnm ‘spin’ has thematic stress in the present (ghzlé, ghzl=im) and variation in the past: like uhßpnm, stem stress (ghz´kf, implying reflexive ghz´kfcm, etc.) or, like rkz´cnm, mobile past (ghzkƒ, ghz´kj, implying end stress in the reflexives ghzkƒcm, ghzkj´cm). Vj´xm ‘be able, possible’ is a unique verb with {E : A}: vjué, vj´;tim, vjukƒ, vjuk∫.

In obstruent stems with end stress in the past, the passive participle has the suffix {-on-}, with stress on the ending in the short forms (eytcn∫ ‘carry off ’, ey=c, eytckƒ, eytckj´ implies eytc=y, eytctyƒ, eytctyj´) and on the participial suffix in the long form (eytc=yysq). Stress stays on the root in the participle if the past is root-stressed: pfuhßpnm ‘chew up’, pfuhßpkf, pfuhßpty, pfuhßptyf, pfuhßptyj, pfuhßptyysq.

3.2.7 Stress in verbs: retrospective

The stress of verbs has to be learned, class by class and, in the smaller, less productive, archaic classes, verb by verb. Yet some broad generalizations can be discerned. Verb classes can be divided into four large sets.

The first set consists of verbs with a conjugational suffix that is syllabic in both the past-infinitive and the present. Verbs in these classes allow only two stress patterns: {R : R} (nh†,jdfnm, nh†,jdfk : nh†,e/, nh†,etim) and {F : F}

(rjkljdƒnm, rjkljdƒk : rjklé/, rjklétim). This limitation suggests that roots and suffixes are heavy. If either the root or suffix receives stress, stress remains there in both subsystems. Furthermore, stress can never go further towards the end of the word than a syllabic suffix.

The second set consists of verbs with an identifiable, syllabic suffix in the pastinfinitive, but no suffix, or a suffix that is not syllabic, in the present subsystem. There are three possibilities: {R : R}, {F : T}, {F : A}. The three patterns show again that, in the past-infinitive, stress cannot go further towards the ending beyond an overt and syllabic suffix. But in the present, where the suffix is missing (or lacks a vowel), it is possible to put stress on the syllable preceding the thematic vowel: {F : A}, 1sg gbié, 2sg g∫itim. That means that mobile stress in the present is possible only for those verb classes that lose the suffix in the present.

The third set is the array of heterogeneous verbs that have no conjugational suffix and stem shapes that do not remain stable between the past-infinitive and present subsystems. Some of these verbs have {R : R} stress, like dßnm, dj´/, or

Inf lectional morphology 113

{R : T} stress, a minor variant that occurs by default when the present stem lacks a vowel, such as i∫nm, i∫kf, i∫kb, im÷, im=im. Interestingly, these verbs with stems that are minimal (“hyposyllabic”) or inconsistent over the two subsystems allow mobile stress in the past (along with thematic stress in the present), or

{M : T}: g∫nm, gbkƒ, g∫kb; ,hƒnm, ,hfkƒ, ,hƒkb (gm÷, gm=im; ,thé, ,th=im). In fact, mobile stress in the past occurs only with such verbs.

The fourth group is the consonant-stem verbs like ytcn∫, g†xm, which have the same, stable, canonical root structure {CVC-} in both subsystems. These verbs have a variety of stress patterns, but the most frequent is {E : T}, or end stress in the past (y=c, ytckƒ, ytck∫) correlated with thematic stress in the present (ytcé, ytc=im). It is as if the stable structure requires stability in the placement of stress (rather than mobility) and the absence of an intervening suffix encourages the stress to go beyond the root out onto the endings.

Thus, roots and suffixes are heavy and hold stress towards the front of the word. Absence of a suffix encourages stress after the stem. Mobility, in either past or present, is tolerated by those verb classes in which there is instability in the stem shape between the two subsystems.

In the passive participle, root stress occurs when other forms have root stress. Mobile stress occurs if the participle is {-t-} and if the verb has mobile stress in the past: yƒxfn, yfxfnƒ, yƒxfnj. End stress occurs in some verb classes that add the suffix {-on-}, namely {CVC-i : CVC-|i|} and consonant stems ({CVC- : CVC-|e|}): hfpuhjvk=y, eytc=y, provided stress is thematic in the present. Otherwise, the productive stress pattern is stress on the syllable preceding the suffix: yfg∫cfy, jnj´hdfy, el†h;fy, hfccvj´nhty ‘examined’, jnk=;fy ‘rested’, yfnz´yen ‘stretched’, jnnj´kryen ‘pushed away’, erj´kjn ‘punctured’.

3.2.8 Irregularities in conjugation

Irregularities and exceptions of conjugation are limited in Russian.

The most archaic and irregular verbs are †cnm ‘eat’ and lƒnm ‘give’. The ancient athematic ending is preserved in the first-person singular, and the other two forms of the singular are unusual: †v, †im, †cn; lƒv, lƒim, lƒcn. The plural is built on a more recognizable stem. Lƒnm follows the i-Conjugation in the firstand second-person plural, but not in the third plural (lfl∫v, lfl∫nt, but lflén), while †cnm follows the i-Conjugation throughout the plural (tl∫v, tl∫nt, tlz´n). The past-tense forms are regular.

<ßnm uses a different stem for the past and future (and no stem in the present), but the individual forms are not irregular. The past exhibits consistent mobility:

,ßk, ,skƒ, ,ßkj, ,ßkb, and in the negative, y† ,sk, yt ,skƒ, y† ,skj, y† ,skb. The conjugation of the future is regular if it is taken to be a consonant stem: 1sg ,éle, 2sg ,éltim, 3sg ,éltn, 1pl ,éltv, 2pl ,éltnt, 3pl ,élen.

114 A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.9 Conjugation classes and secondary imperfectives

perfective

perfective

imperfective

past-infinitive

present

(present)

infinitive

{CVC-i-}

{CVC-|i|}

{CVCj -aj-|e|}

jcel∫nm/jce;lƒnm ‘judge’,

pfv†nbnm/pfvtxƒnm ‘notice’,

hfpuhep∫nm/hfpuhe;ƒnm ‘unload’,

{CVC(j )-ivaj-|e|}

gjlwtg∫nm/gjlwtgkz´nm ‘hook up’

pfujnj´dbnm/pfujnjdkz´nm (pfujnƒdkbdfnm)

‘stock up’, jcvßckbnm/jcvsckz´nm

jcvßckbdfnm ‘conceptualize’,

gjlvty∫nm/gjlv†ybdfnm ‘substitute’,

gjl[dfn∫nm/gjl[dƒnsdfnm ‘grab hold of ’,

{CC-i-}

{CC-|i|}

{CC-e-vaj-|e|}

ecnhj´bnm/ecnhƒbdfnm ‘arrange’

pfnv∫nm/pfnvtdƒnm ‘eclipse’,

{CVC-e-}

{CVC-|i|}

{CVCj -ivaj-|e|}

ghjlk∫nm/ghjlktdƒnm ‘prolong’

hfccvjnh†nm/hfccvƒnhbdfnm ‘examine’,

jncbl†nm/jnc∫;bdfnm ‘sit out’

ˇ

ˇ

ˇ

evjkxƒnm/evƒkxbdfnm ‘keep silent about’,

{CVC-a-}

{CVC-|i|}

{CVC-ivaj-|e|}

ghjkt;ƒnm/ghjk=;bdfnm ‘spend time

lying’

{CVC-a-}

{CVC-aj-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

jnl†kfnm/jnl†ksdfnm ‘trim’,

gtht,hjcƒnm/gtht,hƒcsdfnm ‘throw

{CVC-e-}

{CVC-ej-|e|}

{CVC-e-vaj-|e|}

repeatedly’

pf,jk†nm/pf,jktdƒnm ‘fall ill’

{CVC-ova-}

{CVC-uj-|e|-}

{CVC-ov-ivaj-|e|}

egfrjdƒnm/egfrj´dsdfnm ‘pack up’,

jnabkmnhjdƒnm/jnabkmnhj´dsdfnm ‘filter

out’

{CVC-nu-}

{CVC-n-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

pf[kj´gyenm/pf[kj´gsdfnm ‘clap’

{CVC-a-}

{CVCj -|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

jgbcƒnm/jg∫csdfnm ‘write’,

{CVC0 -ƒj-|e|})

pfdzpƒnm/pfdz´psdfnm ‘bind’,

{CVC-a-}

{CVC-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

jnh†pfnm/jnhtpƒnm ‘cut off ’

dßcjcfnm/dscƒcsdfnm ‘suck out’

{CCa-}

{CC-|e|}

{CV∞ C0 -ivaj-|e|}

dß;lfnm/ds;∫lfnm ‘wait out’

{

CCa-

}

{

|

e

|}

{

CV∞ C0

|

e

|}

e,hƒnm/e,bhƒnm ‘clean up’,

CVC-

-ivaj-

{CVJa-}

{CVJ-|e|}

{CVJ-ivaj-|e|}

gjljpdƒnm/gjlpsdƒnm ‘call up’

jnc†znm/jnc†bdfnm ‘screen out’,

{CVJa-}

{CVJ-|e|}

{CVC0 -ivaj-|e|}

jnnƒznm/jnnƒbdfnm ‘thaw out’

bcrktdƒnm/bcrk=dsdfnm ‘peck thoroughly’,

{CV-}

{CVJ-|e|}

{CV-vaj-|e|}

jngktdƒnm/jngk=dsdfnm ‘spit out’

yf;∫nm/yf;bdƒnm ‘acquire’

{CV-}

{CVJ-|e|}

{CV-vaj-|e|}

pfrhßnm/pfrhsdƒnm ‘close’

{CV-}

{CJ-|e|}

{CV-vaj-|e|}

dsg∫nm/dsgbdƒnm ‘drink down’

Inf lectional morphology 115

Table 3.9 (cont.)

perfective

perfective

imperfective

past-infinitive

present

(present)

infinitive

{CV-}

{CVN-|e|}

{CV-vaj-|e|}

|}

pfl†nm/pfltdƒnm ‘shove off ’

{

CV-

}

{

|

e

|}

{

|

e

dß;fnm/ds;bvƒnm ‘squeeze out’

CN-

CV∞ N-aj-

{CVRV-}

}

{CVR-|e|}

{CVR0 -ivaj-|e|}

yfrjkj´nm/yfrƒksdfnm ‘puncture multiply’

{

CVR(V)-

{

|

e

|}

{

|

e

|}

evth†nm/evbhƒnm ‘die’, pfgth†nm/pfgbhƒnm

CR-

CV∞ C0 -ivaj-

‘lock’

{CVC-}

{CVC-aj-|e|}

{CVC-aj-|e|}

yfgktcn∫/yfgktnƒnm ‘weave in quantity’,

yfghz´xm/yfghzuƒnm ‘tense up’

∞ = alternation of vowel grades null {i} in root

{. . . -ivaj-|e|} = boldface indicates imperfectivizing suffix (present tense)

A very small number of irregularities involves unusual pairings of allostems or occasionally, sub-allostems. Cgƒnm and uyƒnm have a past-infinitive stem in {CCa-}, and they have the mobile past-tense stress typical of such verbs: cgƒnm

‘sleep’, cgƒk, cgfkƒ, cgƒkb, cgƒkj; uyƒnm ‘pursue’, uyƒk, uyfkƒ, uyƒkb, uyƒkj. The present tense of these verbs switches to i-Conjugation: cgk÷, cg∫im; ujy÷, uj´ybim. The unusual verb pß,bnmcz ‘surge’ should belong to the i-Conjugation, to judge by its infinitive, but forms its preferred present in |e|, with Cj: pß,ktncz. Eib,∫nm ‘bruise’, on the basis of its infinitive and participles (eib,∫dibq, ei∫,ktyysq), implies a stem {CVC-i} of the i-Conjugation, but it behaves like an obstruent stem with {CVC-|e|} in the present (eib,é, eib,=im) and past (ei∫,, ei∫,kf). J,z´psdfnm ‘obligate’ conjugates either as expected {CVC-aj-|e|} (j,z´psdftim) or as unexpected {CVC-uj-|e|} (j,z´petimcz).

<t;ƒnm ‘run, flee’ looks like the type {CVCi-a : CVCi-|i|-} in the “middle” forms of the present-tense conjugation -- ,t;∫im, ,t;∫nt -- but the first singular and third plural rely on an allostem {CVC0-|e|-}: ,tué, ,tuén. {jn†nm ‘want’ has a singular in |e| with Cj throughout ([jxé, [j´xtim); the plural has the thematic vowel |i|, implying C i ([jn∫v, [jn∫nt, [jnz´n).

3.2.9 Secondary imperfectivization

While derivational processes in general are not treated here, it is nevertheless useful to illustrate the patterns of suffixation used to make secondary imperfectives from prefixed perfectives (see Table 3.9, following the verb classes of Table 3.3). There are different suffixes. All imperfectivizing suffixes put the resulting verbs in the class of {-a- : -aj-|e|}.