98 A Reference Grammar of Russian
Table 3.2 Morphological strategies of verbal categories
category |
stem |
morphological marker |
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infinitive |
<pst-inf> {-t˛} |
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past tense |
<pst-inf> {-l-} + gender--number markers |
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past active adjectival |
<pst-inf> |
{-vs-‹} + adjectival declension |
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participle |
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past active adverbial |
<pst-inf> {-v} (resultative {-vsi‹}) {-vsi‹-s˛}) |
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participle |
<pst-inf> {-t-} + adjectival declension (/{-nu-} |
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past passive participle |
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verbs; /asuffixal vowel-stem verbs) |
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{-n-} + adjectival declension (/{-a-} verbs) |
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{-j´n-} ({-[ìn]-}) + adjectival declension (/stem |
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ends in vowel not {-a-}) |
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imperative |
<prs> |
{- } {-í-} (if 1sg {-ú} |
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or if {CVCC<prs> -}) + sg {- } pl {-te} |
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present tense: 1sg |
<prs> |
{-u}, all classes |
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present tense: 2sg 3sg 1pl |
<prs> |
thematic |i| |e| + person--number markers |
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2pl |
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{-at} if thematic |i| |
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present tense: 3pl |
<prs> |
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{-ut} if thematic |e| |
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s…‹-} + |
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present active adjectival |
<prs> |
{ |
-a |
} |
if thematic |
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adjectival declension |
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i |
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- |
˛ |
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participle |
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{ |
-u |
} |
if thematic |
e |
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s…‹-} + |
adjectival |
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- |
˛ |
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declension |
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present adverbial |
<prs> |
{-a} (implying CI ) |
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participle |
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ends in a consonant, the consonants and the infinitive ending together are stressed {-st˛í} (ytcn∫ ‘carry’, uhtcn∫ ‘row’). In stems ending in a velar, the velar
and infinitive fuse as {-c˛}: g†xm ‘to bake’, ghtyt,h†xm ‘to ignore’.
‹
The categories of verbs and their morphological strategies are summarized in Table 3.2.
3.2.2 Conjugation classes
As noted, verbs have two possible stems, used for different categories.8 The pa s t - i n f i n i t i v e is used for the infinitive, past, and past participles (the past active adjectival participle, the past adverbial participle, the past passive participle).
8The issue of whether verbs should be described in terms of two stems (as in a long tradition, from Leskien on) or one (as in Jakobson 1948/1971[b]) is a non-issue. The most durable observation of Jakobson’s study is the observation that there is complementarity in the shape of stems in the pastinfinitive (the stem ends in a vowel before consonantal endings) and the present (the stem ends in a consonant before vocalic endings). If one starts with the single underlying stem, to produce this complementarity, the single stem has to be modified immediately to yield two alternate stems -- that is to say, there are two stems after all (Chvany 1990, Elson 1986). Alternative approaches to verbal morphology are offered by Lehfeldt 1978, Fegert 1986.
Inf lectional morphology |
99 |
The p r e s e n t s t e m is used for the present-tense forms, the imperative, and present participles (adjectival and adverbial active and present passive participle). When the stems are different, as they are for most verb types, they differ in how the conjugational suffix is treated: it is longer in one stem and shorter or missing altogether in the other. Inflectional endings in the past-infinitive subsystem begin with consonants, and by complementarity, the stem of the past-infinitive of most verbs ends in a vowel. The inflections of the present tense begin with a vowel, and by complementarity, the verbal stem ends in a consonant before these vocalic endings.
There are two conjugations, which differ according to the t h e m a t i c l i g - a t u r e used between the stem and the markers of person and number in the “middle” forms of the paradigm -- the secondand third-person singular and firstand second-person plural. One conjugation uses a suffix spelled ≤b≥: vjkx∫im ‘be silent’, 3sg vjkx∫n, 1pl vjkx∫v, 2pl vjkx∫nt. The third plural of this conjugation is {-at} without the ligature: 3pl vjkxƒn. Verbs of this type might be termed “i-Conjugation”; its thematic ligature can be written as “|i|.” The other conjugational class has a vowel in the middle forms of the paradigm that derives from e and is spelled now ≤t≥ (or if stressed, in explicit style, ≤=≥): 2sg l†kftim, ytc=im (inexplicit ytctim), 3sg l†kftn, ytc=n (ytctn), 1pl l†kftv, ytc=v (ytctv), 2pl l†kftnt, ytc=nt (ytctnt). The third plural is {-ut} without the ligature: 3pl l†kf/n, ytcén. Although the vowel is pronounced as [o]⁄when it is stressed, as in 2sg ytc=im, etc., it is convenient to follow history and orthography and identify this as the “e-Conjugation” and write the thematic vowel as “|e|.” The first singular is {-u}, without the ligature, in both conjugations.
Within each of these two conjugations, it is possible to distinguish more specific conjugation classes depending on the shape of the two stems. The classes with illustrative verbs are listed in Table 3.3. An abstract stem shape is given for the past-infinitive and the present stem of each type. A verb class can be identified as the set composed of the two stems. Thus k/,∫nm is: {{CVCi-i-}<pst-inf>: {CVCi-|i|-}<prs>} or, more simply, {CVC-i- : CVC-|i|}. In the column before the gloss, they are identified by the number of the conjugation type assigned in Zalizniak 1977[a].
All verbs of the i-Conjugation (top group in Table 3.3) have an overt suffix in the past-infinitive subsystem, but the suffix is missing in the present tense. The e-Conjugation divides into four groups. In one group, which includes the two most productive classes, there is a conjugational suffix that is syllabic in both subsystems; for example, ,hjcƒnm ‘throw’ is {{bros-a-}<pst-inf> : {bros-aj- |e|}<prs>}. In a second group, there is a suffix in the past-infinitive but it is lost or reduced to a non-syllabic form in the present subsystem, for example, gkƒrfnm ‘cry’ {{plak-a-}<pst-inf> : {plac‹-|e|-}<prs>}. The third group, of a s u f f i x a l verbs, is a heterogeneous set of conjugation classes, each of which has a limited
100 A Reference Grammar of Russian
Table 3.3 Conjugation classes
past-infinitive |
present |
infinitive |
2sg |
no. |
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{CVC-i-} |
{CVC-|i|} |
k/,∫nm |
k÷,bim |
4 |
‘love’ |
{CVC-e-} |
{CVC-|i|} |
cvjnh†nm |
cvj´nhbim |
5 |
‘look at’ |
ˇ |
{CVC-|i|} |
vjkxƒnm |
vjkx∫im |
5 |
‘be silent’ |
{CVC-a-} |
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{CVC-a-} |
{CVC-aj-|e|} |
,hjcƒnm |
,hjcƒtim |
1 |
‘toss’ |
{CVC-e-} |
{CVC-ej-|e|} |
gmzy†nm |
gmzy†tim |
1 |
‘get tipsy’ |
{CVC-ova-} |
{CVC-uj-|e|-} |
nh†,jdfnm |
nh†,etim |
2 |
‘require’ |
{CVC-nu-} |
{CVC-n-|e|} |
,hßpyenm |
,hßpytim |
3 |
‘splash’ |
{CVC-a-} |
{CVCj -|e|} |
gkƒrfnm |
gkƒxtim |
6 |
‘cry’ |
{CVC-a-} |
{CVC-|e|} |
cjcƒnm |
cjc=im |
6 |
‘suck’ |
{CCa-} |
{CC-|e|} |
;lƒnm |
;l=im |
6 |
‘wait’ |
{CCa-} |
{CVC-|e|} |
,hƒnm |
,th=im |
6 |
‘take’ |
{CVJa-} |
{CVJ-|e|} |
lfdƒnm |
lf=im |
13 |
‘give’ |
{CVJa-} |
{CVJ-|e|} |
rktdƒnm |
rk/=im |
2 |
‘peck’ |
{CV-} |
{CVJ-|e|} |
;∫nm |
;bd=im |
16 |
‘live’ |
{CV-} |
{CVJ-|e|} |
rhßnm |
rhj´tim |
12 |
‘cover’ |
{CV-} |
{CJ-|e|} |
g∫nm |
gm=im |
11 |
‘drink’ |
{CV-} |
{CVN-|e|} |
l†nm |
l†ytim |
15 |
‘set’ |
{CV-} |
{CN-|e|} |
;ƒnm |
;v=im |
14 |
‘squeeze’ |
{CVRV-} |
{CVR-|e|} |
rjkj´nm |
rj´ktim |
10 |
‘prick’ |
{CVR(V)-} |
{CR-|e|} |
vth†nm (v=hkb) |
vh=im |
9 |
‘die’ |
{CVC-} |
{CVC-|e|} |
ytcn∫ |
ytc=im |
7 |
‘carry’ |
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= index of conjugation class in Zalizniak 1977[a]
number of members. The stems of the two subsystems differ in not entirely predictable ways, for example pdƒnm ‘call’ {{zva-}<pst-inf> : {zov-|e|-}<prs>}. The fourth type is the set of verbs that lack any suffix; the stem ends in a consonant in both subsystems: ytcn∫ ‘carry’ {{n˛os-}<pst-inf> : {n˛es-|e|-}<prs>}. Verbs of the e-Conjugation have unpalatalized consonants (C0) in the first-person singular and third plural, but palatalized consonants (Ci) in the middle forms: k†pe ‘climb’ with [z] but k†ptim with [z˛]. The past-infinitive is generally stable, except for the type vth†nm ‘die’ (cf. v=hkb) and consonant stems such as inf dtcn∫ ‘lead’ (msc pst d=k, fem dtkƒ).
3.2.3 Stress patterns
The possible stress patterns of verbs are relatively restricted.
In the past, there are four patterns overall, two widespread and two restricted. (a) Stress can fall consistently on the root (= ‘R’): ckƒdbkf<fem>,
Inf lectional morphology 101
‘ glorify’. (b) Or stress can fall on the conjugational suffix (= ‘F’): jhufybpjdƒkf<fem>, jhufybpjdƒkb<pl> ‘organize’. Less frequently, (c) stress may fall consistently on the desinence (= ‘E’): ytckƒ<fem>, ytck∫<pl> ‘carry’, or (d) stress may be mobile (= ‘M’) -- that is, it may alternate between stress on the ending in the feminine past and stress not on the ending in other forms: dhfkƒ<fem>
‘lied’, but dhƒk<msc>, dhƒkj<nt>, dhƒkb<pl>.
In the present system, there are four possibilities. (a) Stress can fall consistently on the root (= ‘R’): ckƒdk/, ckƒdbim. (b) If there is a conjugational suffix and if it is syllabic, stress can fall on that suffix (= ‘F’): jhufybpé/, jhufybpétim.
(c)Stress can fall consistently on the thematic vowel (= ‘T’): ytcé, ytc=im ‘carry’.
(d)Stress can vary between the first singular (and the imperative) and the syllable
preceding the thematic vowel except in the first singular: gbié<1sg>, gbi∫<imv>, g∫itim<2sg> ‘write’. This last pattern is a n t e t h e m a t i c accentuation (= ‘A’), in that stress often falls on the syllable preceding the thematic vowel. It is mobile accentuation, though different from that of the past tense.
3.2.4 Conjugation classes: i-Conjugation
i-Conjugation has a limited number of groups, all suffixal. The conjugational suffix can be {-i-}, {-e-} (< ˇe), or {-a-} (historically a variant of the preceding, since ˇe > a after palatals and j). The conjugational suffix is present in the past-infinitive stem (ghjc∫nm ‘ask’, ghjc∫kb), lost or replaced by the conjugation marker |i| in the present (ghjié, ghj´cbim). Consonants were followed by j (hence Cj) in the first-person singular and palatalized before the conjugational suffix (whether i or ˇe) and before the thematic vowel |i| in the other forms of the present tense and the past-infinitive, resulting in an alternation of Cj grade 1sg ghjié, j,∫;e and Ci grade: ghjc∫nm, 2sg ghj´cbim ‘ask’, j,∫ltnm, 2sg j,∫lbim
‘insult’. In abstract terms, the conjugation pattern is: {{CVCi-i-}<pst-inf> : {CVCi- |i|-}<prs>} or, more simply, {CVCi-i- : CVCi-|i|-}. Similarly, cvjnh†nm ‘observe’ is
{ i i | | } { ˇ ˇ | | }
CVC -e- : CVC - i - and lth;ƒnm ‘hold’ CVC-a- : CVC- i - . Included in the last group are cnjz´nm ‘stand’, ,jz´nmcz ‘fear’, and their derivatives, which have a stem ending in [j] (though the [j] is absorbed before [í]); despite stress, the imperative lacks the characteristic -∫: cnj´q (despite cnj÷), yt ,j´qcz (1sg ,j÷cm).
In verbs of the type {CVCi-i- : CVCi-|i|-}, the consonant was also followed by j in the past passive participle: -ghj´ity. In verbs in ˇe, Cj is etymologically incorrect in the passive participle j,∫;ty ‘insulted’; the original Ci is preserved in ed∫lty ‘seen’ and in archaic ghtn†hgty, now usually ghtn†hgkty ‘endured’. The passive participle in this class of verbs thus has the suffix {-on-} (unstressed [ìn], [ïn]).
The conjugations of representative verbs are given in Table 3.4. There are three accentual types. (a) Stress falls consistently on the root in past and present; the
102A Reference Grammar of Russian
Table 3.4 i-Conjugation
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{CVC-i- : |
{CVC-e- : |
ˇ |
{CVj-a- : |
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{CVC-a- : |
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CVC-|i|} |
CVC-|i|} |
CVC-|i|} |
CVj-|i|} |
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{R : R } |
{F : T } |
{F : A} |
{F : T } |
inf |
uhƒ,bnm |
ktn†nm |
lth;ƒnm |
cnjz´nm |
prs 1sg |
uhƒ,k/ |
ktxé |
lth;é |
cnj÷ |
prs 2sg |
uhƒ,bim |
ktn∫im |
l†h;bim |
cnj∫im |
prs 3sg |
uhƒ,bn |
ktn∫n |
l†h;bn |
cnj∫n |
prs 1pl |
uhƒ,bv |
ktn∫v |
l†h;bv |
cnj∫v |
prs 2pl |
uhƒ,bnt |
ktn∫nt |
l†h;bnt |
cnj∫nt |
prs 3pl |
uhƒ,zn |
ktnz´n |
l†h;fn |
cnjz´n |
prs pcl |
uhƒ,zobq |
ktnz´obq |
l†h;fobq |
cnjz´obq |
prs dee |
uhƒ,z |
ktnz´ |
l†h;f |
cnj´z |
imv 2sg |
uhƒ,m |
ktn∫ |
lth;∫ |
cnj´q |
imv 2pl |
uhƒ,mnt |
ktn∫nt |
lth;∫nt |
cnj´qnt |
pst msc |
uhƒ,bk |
ktn†k |
lth;ƒk |
cnjz´k |
pst fem |
uhƒ,bkf |
ktn†kf |
lth;ƒkf |
cnjz´kf |
pst nt |
uhƒ,bkj |
ktn†kj |
lth;ƒkj |
cnjz´kj |
pst pl |
uhƒ,bkb |
ktn†kb |
lth;ƒkb |
cnjz´kb |
pst pcl |
uhƒ,bdibq |
ktn†dibq |
lth;ƒdibq |
(yf) cnjz´dibq |
pst dee |
(j)uhƒ,bd |
(e)ktn†d |
(pf)lth;ƒd |
(yf)cnjz´d |
psv |
(j)uhƒ,kty |
--- |
(pf)l†h;fy |
(yf)cnj´zy |
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‘rob’ |
‘fly’ |
‘hold’ |
‘stand’ |
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pattern could be written as {R<pst-inf> : R<prs>}, or more simply as {R : R}: uhƒ,bnm ‘bury’, uhƒ,k/, uhƒ,bim; d∫ltnm ‘see’, d∫;e, d∫lbim; ckßifnm ‘hear’, ckßie, ckßibim. (b) Stress falls consistently after the root -- on the suffix in the past and on 1sg {-ú} and 3pl {-ƒt} and thematic {-í-}, or {F : T}: ujdjh∫nm
‘speak’, ujdjh∫k, ujdjh∫kf; ujdjh÷, ujdjh∫im; pdty†nm ‘ring’, pdty†k, pdty†kf; pdty÷, pdty∫im; vjkxƒnm ‘be silent’, vjkxƒk, vjkxƒkf; vjkxé, vjkx∫im. (c) Stress falls on the suffix in the past and variably on the 1sg {-ú} but antethematically on the last syllable of the stem in the rest of the present, or {F : A}: k/,∫nm ‘love’, k/,∫k, k/,∫kf; k/,k÷, k÷,bim; cvjnh†nm ‘observe’, cvjnh†k, cvjnh†kf; cvjnh÷, cvj´nhbim; lth;ƒnm ‘hold’, lth;ƒk, lth;ƒkf, lth;é, l†h;bim.
In the past passive participle, stress stays on the root if it is on the root in other forms: hfcckƒdkty ‘praised’, hfcckƒdktyf, hfcckƒdktyj, hfcckƒdktyysq; j,∫;ty ‘insulted’, j,∫;tyf, j,∫;tyj, j,∫;tyysq; eckßify ‘heard’, eckßifyf, eckßifyj, eckßifyysq. The combination of suffixal stress in the past with antedesinential stress in the present ({F : A}) gives stress on the syllable before the suffix in the passive: djpk/,∫nm ‘love’ (djpk/,k÷, djpk÷,bim),