Inf lectional morphology 103

djpk÷,kty, djpk÷,ktyf, djpk÷,ktyj, djpk÷,ktyysq; elth;ƒnm ‘restrain’ (elth;é, el†h;bim), el†h;fy, el†h;fyf, el†h;fyj, el†h;fyysq; hfccvjnh†nm ‘examine’ (hfccvjnh÷, hfccvj´nhbim), hfccvj´nhty, hfccvj´nhtyf, hfccvj´nhtyj, hfccvj´nhtyysq. When stress in the present is thematic ({F : T}), the class {CVCi- i- : CVCi-|i|-} keeps stress on the ending: jvhfx∫nm ‘darken’ (jvhfxé, jvhfx∫im), jvhfx=y, jvhfxtyƒ, jvhfxtyj´, jvhfx=yysq. The other two classes ({CVCi-e- : CVCi-

| | } { ˇ ˇ | | }

i - , CVC-a- : CVC- i - ) pull stress back to the syllable before the passive formant: ecbl†nm ‘sit through’ (ecb;é, ecbl∫im), ec∫;ty, ec∫;tyf, ec∫;tyj, ec∫;tyysq; jnkt;ƒnm ‘finish reclining’ (jnkt;∫, jnkt;∫im), jnk=;fy, jnk=;fyf, jnk=;fyj, jnk=;fyysq.

In the {CVC-i- : CVC-|i|} type, there is a tendency to shift from thematic stress to antethematic stress in the present and past passive participle. Verbs differ. Some have just begun to shift: hfpuhjv∫nm ‘rout’, hfpuhjv∫im ( hfpuhj´vbim), hfpuhjvk=y (?hfpuhj´vkty). Other verbs have almost completed the shift: bccei∫nm ‘dry out’ bccéibim, current bccéity (older bccei∫im, bccei=y).

3.2.5 Conjugation classes: suffixed E-Conjugation

e-Conjugation verbs, less uniform overall, vary in the extent to which they make use of a conjugational suffix. Some do. Others, termed asuffixal below, do not have a suffix, or have only a remnant of the conjugational suffix.

Two of the classes maintain the suffix in both stems. These are the two most productive classes of Russian conjugation. One type has stems {CVC-a-<pst-inf> : CVC-aj-|e|-<prs>}. Stress can be either consistently on the root or consistently on the suffix: {R : R} l†kfnm ‘do’, l†kfk, l†kf/, l†kftim; {F : F} ,hjcƒnm

‘throw’, ,hjcƒk, ,hjcƒ/, ,hjcƒtim. The passive participle has {-n-} added to the stem {CVC-a-}; stress is drawn off the {-a-} onto the previous syllable: hfp,hj´cfy

‘thrown around’, hfp,hj´cfyf, hfp,hj´cfyj, hfp,hj´cfyysq.

A related type has the vowel {-e-} rather than {-a-} in the suffix: {CVC-e- : CVC- ej-|e|}. This type, which makes verbs from adjectives, has the same two stress options: {R : R} euh÷vtnm ‘grow sad’, euh÷vtk, euh÷vt/, euh÷vttim; {F : F} gmzy†nm ‘become intoxicated’, gmzy†k, gmzy†/, gmzy†tim. These are mostly intransitive and do not form passives. An exception is ghtjljk†nm ‘overcome’, whose participle is ghtjljk=y, ghtjljktyƒ, ghtjljktyj´, ghtjljk=yysq, which shows the

passive formant {-on-}.9

⁄

Another, productive, group of suffixed e-Conjugation verbs has a stem {CVC- ova-} alternating with {CVC-uj-|e|-}. There are two stress options: root stress

9The form and stress are innovative. Etymologically, the suffixal vowel derives from ˇe, which did not undergo the change of e > o (witness ghtjljk†k).

104 A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.5 Representative conjugations: suffixed e-Conjugation

	{CVC-a-:	{CVC-ova-:	{CVC-a :	{CVC-nu-:	{CVC-a-:
	CVC-aj-|e|}	CVC-uj-|e|}	CVCj -|e|}	CVC-n-}	CVC-|e|}
	{R : R }	{F : F }	{F : A}	{F : A}	{F : T }
inf	l†kfnm	rjkljdƒnm	gbcƒnm	nzyénm	cjcƒnm
prs 1sg	l†kf/	rjklé/	gbié	nzyé	cjcé
prs 2sg	l†kftim	rjklétim	g∫itim	nz´ytim	cjc=im
prs 3sg	l†kftn	rjklétn	g∫itn	nz´ytn	cjc=n
prs 1pl	l†kftv	rjklétv	g∫itv	nz´ytv	cjc=v
prs 2pl	l†kftnt	rjklétnt	g∫itnt	nz´ytnt	cjc=nt
prs 3pl	l†kf/n	rjklé/n	g∫ien	nz´yen	cjcén
prs pcl	l†kf/obq	rjklé/obq	g∫ieobq	nz´yeobq	cjcéobq
prs dee	l†kfz	rjkléz	g∫if	[? nzyz´]	cjcz´
imv 2sg	l†kfq	rjkléq	gbi∫	nzy∫	cjc∫
imv 2pl	l†kfqnt	rjkléqnt	gbi∫nt	nzy∫nt	cjc∫nt
pst msc	l†kfk	rjkljdƒk	gbcƒk	nzyék	cjcƒk
pst fem	l†kfkf	rjkljdƒkf	gbcƒkf	nzyékf	cjcƒkf
pst nt	l†kfkj	rjkljdƒkj	gbcƒkj	nzyékj	cjcƒkj
pst pl	l†kfkb	rjkljdƒkb	gbcƒkb	nzyékb	cjcƒkb
pst pcl	l†kfdibq	rjkljdƒdibq	gbcƒdibq	nzyédibq	cjcƒdibq
pst dee	(c)l†kfd	(pf)rjkljdƒd	(j)gbcƒd	(yf)nzyéd	(j,)cjcƒd
psv	(c)l†kfy	(pf)rjklj´dfy	(j)g∫cfy	(yf)nz´yen	(j,)cj´cfy
	‘do’	‘enchant’	‘write’	‘stretch’	‘suck’

{R : R}, as in nh†,jdfnm ‘demand’, nh†,jdfk, nh†,e/, nh†,etim, or consistent suffixal stress {F : F}, as in rjkljdƒnm ‘enchant’, rjkljdƒk, rjklé/, rjklétim. The passive has {-n-}, with stress on the syllable before {-a-}: yfhbcjdƒnm ‘sketch’, yfhbcj´dfy, yfhbcj´dfyf, yfhbcj´dfyj, yfhbcj´dfyysq, similarly hfcwtkjdƒnm ‘kiss’.

In the two remaining classes of suffixal e-Conjugation, the suffix is reduced in the present. The type {CVC-nu- : CVC-n-} is used productively to make semelfactive (=singular occasion) perfectives of verbs that report intrinsically cyclical processes. These verbs have two stress patterns: {R : R} (,hßpyenm

‘spurt’, ,hßpyek, ,hßpye, ,hßpytim) or {F : T} (njkryénm ‘shove’, njkryék, njkryé, njkry=im). Some {-nu-} verbs are not semelfactive. They allow a third stress pattern: {F : A} nzyénm ‘pull’, nzyé, nz´ytim. The passive participle for {-nu-} verbs is {-t}, which forces stress off the suffix to the root: hfcnzyénm ‘stretch out’ (hfcnzyé, hfcnz´ytim), hfcnz´yenf, hfcnz´yenj, hfcnz´yensq; jnnjkryénm ‘shove away’ (jnnjkryé, jnnjkry=im), jnnj´kryenf, jnnj´kryenj, jnnj´kryensq.

In the verbs in this class that are not semelfactive, the suffix {-nu-} may be absent in some forms of the past-infinitive system. The suffix is expected by

Inf lectional morphology 105

the purely consonantal endings of the infinitive and the passive participle in

{-t}: ljcn∫xm ljcn∫uyenm ‘reach’, ljcn∫uyen; jnd†huyenm ‘cast away’, jnd†huyen.

((J)cnßnm ‘grow cold’, however, by ending in a vowel, is more tolerant.) Active participles and the masculine singular past may lose the suffix: pst pcl ljcn∫uibq ljcn∫uyedibq, jnd†huibq jnd†huyedibq; msc ljcn∫u, jnd†huyek. The other pasttense forms are most likely to lose {-nu-}: ljcn∫ukf, jnd†hukb. Simplex forms are more likely to keep {-nu-} than prefixed forms. For example, v=hpyenm ‘freeze’, has variation in two forms (v=hp v=hpyek, v=hpibq v=hpyedibq), while its prefixed derivatives consistently lack the suffix {pf-, yf-, j,-, d-, gjl-, gtht-, bp-, ghb-, gj-, ghj-, c-, dß-}v=hp, v=hpibq. The development is towards increasing use of {-nu-} and regularizing this class of verbs. Occasionally the suffix even appears in the feminine of simplex forms, the context that usually omits {-nu-}: k∫gyekf for usual k∫gkf.10

Another class of suffixed e-Conjugation has a minimal suffix {-a-} in the pastinfinitive and no suffix in the present, while the consonant is modified and adopts the Cj grade: {CVC-a- : CVCj-|e|}. There are two stress options. One is consistent root stress {R : R}: gkƒrfnm ‘cry’, gkƒrfk, gkƒxe, gkƒxtim. The other is {F : A} -- suffixal in the past-infinitive and antethematic in the present: gbcƒnm

‘write’, gbcƒkf, gbié, g∫itim, implying yfg∫cfy.

The past-infinitive stem of this group {CVC-a- : CVCj-|e|} is {CVC-a-}, which is the same as the past-infinitive of the productive group {CVC-a- : CVC-aj-|e|}. As a result, this type is being absorbed into the more productive group, at different rates depending on the final consonant of the stem. The old pattern is preserved well when the stem ends in a dental. Only one of the thirty-four verbs ending in a dental (twenty-six in stop, eight in fricative) shows variation; vtnƒnm ‘throw’, vtnƒk, vtxé vtnƒ/.11 Of the twenty-four verbs ending in velar, sixteen show some variation, the innovative variant vf[ƒtn ‘wave’ (for vƒitn) being used in the 1960s survey by 17 percent of speakers born in the decade 1940--49 (but only 3% on www.lib.ru <15.IX.02>), ,hßpuftn ‘splash’ (for ,hßp;tn) by 32 percent for ,hßpufnm (18% on www.lib.ru). Of the eleven verbs ending in labials, eight use the innovative present in {CVP-aj-|e|}; the most advanced is rƒgfnm, which uses the new variant (rƒgftn ‘drip’ for rƒgktn) to the tune of 72 percent of speakers interviewed in the 1960s (82% on www.lib.ru).

There is another very small group of verbs that has the same infinitive shape {CVC-a-}, but in the present uses no suffix and no consonant modification: {CVC- a- : CVC-|e|}. Because the thematic vowel is added directly to the root-final consonant, the present of these verbs has an alternation of consonants in the present,

10Il ina 1976. However, forms such as (ghb)kbgyek(f) are infrequent on the web.

11In the investigation from the 1960s reported in Krysin 1974.

106A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.6 Quasisuffixed e-Conjugation

	{CVJa- :	{CVJa- :	{CCa- :	{CCa- :	{CCa- :
	CVJ-|e|}	CVJ-|e|}	CC-|e|}	CVC-|e|}	CVC-|e|}
	{F : T}	{F : T}	{M : T}	{M : T}	{M : T}

inf	lfdƒnm	rktdƒnm
prs 1sg	lf÷	rk/÷
prs 2sg	lf=im	rk/=im
prs 3sg	lf=n	rk/=n
prs 1pl	lf=v	rk/=v
prs 2pl	lf=nt	rk/=nt
prs 3pl	lf÷n	rk/÷n
prs pcl	lf÷obq	rk/÷obq
prs dee	lfdƒz	rk/z´
imv 2sg	lfdƒq	rk÷q
imv 2pl	lfdƒqnt	rk÷qnt
pst msc	lfdƒk	rktdƒk
pst fem	lfdƒkf	rktdƒkf
pst nt	lfdƒkj	rktdƒkj
pst pl	lfdƒkb	rktdƒkb
pst pcl	lfdƒdibq	rktdƒdibq
pst dee	[? lfdƒd]	(pf)rktdƒd
psv	---	(pf)rk=dfy

hdƒnm	,hƒnm	hdƒnmcz
hdé	,thé	hdécm
hd=im	,th=im	hd=imcz
hd=n	,th=n	hd=ncz
hd=v	,th=v	hd=vcz
hd=nt	,th=nt	hd=ntcm
hdén	,thén	hdéncz
hdéobq	,théobq	hdéobqcz
[? hdz´]	,thz´	[? hdz´cm]
hd∫	,th∫	hd∫cm
hd∫nt	,th∫nt	hd∫ntcm
hdƒk	,hƒk	hdƒkcz
hdfkƒ	,hfkƒ	hdfkƒcm
hdƒkj	,hƒkj	hdfkj´cm
hdƒkb	,hƒkb	hdfk∫cm
hdƒdibq	,hƒdibq	hdƒdibqcz
(jnj)hdƒd	(yf),hƒd	(pf)hdƒdibcm
(jnj´)hdfy	(yƒ),hfy	---

‘give’	‘peck’	‘tear’	‘take’	‘strain’

C0 grade (absence of palatalization) in the first singular and third plural, Ci grade in the middle forms. Three stress patterns are found: {R : R} ;ƒ;lfnm ‘thirst for’, ;ƒ;lfk, ;ƒ;le, ;ƒ;ltim; {F : T} cjcƒnm ‘suck’, cjcƒk, cjcé, cjc=im; and

{F : A} cnjyƒnm ‘moan’, cnjyƒk, cnjyé, cnj´ytim. In the passive participle, stress shifts back: j,cj´cfy ‘licked round’. A related subgroup is the small set of verbs in which the final consonant of the root is [j], and the suffix {-a-} disappears in the present; these verbs have root stress (c†znm ‘sow’) or thematic stress (cvtz´nmcz ‘laugh’, cvtz´kcz, cvt÷cm, cvt=imcz). Exceptionally, the imperative has no vowel: cv†qcz.

3.2.6 Conjugation classes: quasisuffixed E-Conjugation

Some verbs of the e-Conjugation have the reflex of a suffix {-a-} in the pastinfinitive. The root without this vowel is phonologically minimal.

Lfdƒnm ‘give’ and jcnfdƒnmcz ‘remain’ have present-tense stems in [j] without [v], except in the imperative and participles. Another class is that of rktdƒnm

Inf lectional morphology 107

‘peck’, rk/÷, rk/=im; rjdƒnm ‘forge’, re÷, re=im; gktdƒnm ‘spit’, gk/÷, gk/=im, in which additionally [v] alternates with [j]. Stress is on the second syllable in the past-infinitive, thematic in the present ({F : F}). The passive has antethematic stress: (pf)rk=dfy. Although the first singular present is stressed, the imperative lacks -∫: gk÷q, céq, ;éq, rk÷q, réq.

In some other classes the past-infinitive ends in {a}, but the preceding root is phonologically debilitated. The thematic ligature can be added directly to the cluster: ;lƒnm ‘wait’, ;lé, ;l=im, implying the formula {CCa- : CC-|e|-}. Like ;lƒnm are: hdƒnm ‘tear’, dhƒnm ‘lie’, ;hƒnm ‘devour’, chƒnm ‘defecate’, -ghƒnm ‘trample’, nrƒnm ‘weave’. In some verbs the cluster is broken up in the present tense by a vowel augment, as in ,hƒnm ‘take’, ,thé, ,th=im; lhƒnm ‘tear’, lthé, lth=im; pdƒnm ‘call’, pjdé, pjd=im, implying the formula {CCa- : CVC-|e|-}). In the present, stress always falls on the thematic vowel. In the past, stress is mobile: ;lƒnm

‘await’, ;lƒk, ;lfkƒ, ;lƒkb, ;lƒkj; ,hƒnm, ,hƒk, ,hfkƒ, ,hƒkb, ,hƒkj; hdƒnm, hdƒk, hdfkƒ, hdƒkb, hdƒkj; pdƒk, pdfkƒ, pdƒkb. When these verbs are made reflexive, stress becomes fixed on the ending (except in the masculine singular): hdƒkcz, hdfkƒcm, hdfkj´cm, hdfk∫cm. But this end stress has begun to yield to stem stress in an informal register: hdfkj´cm, hdfk∫cm > hdƒkjcm, hdƒkbcm.12 Gjghƒnm

‘flout’, with no augment in the present, has fixed root stress in the past.

The passive participle, in {-n-}, puts stress on the syllable before the [a], and since the root is non-syllabic, stress ends up on the second or only vowel of the prefix: jnj´hdfy ‘torn off ’, jnj´hdfyf, jnj´hdfyj, jnj´hdfyysq; é,hfy ‘cleaned up’, é,hfyf, é,hfyj, é,hfyysq.

Next comes a set of heterogeneous verbs that have a hyposyllabic stem {CV-} or {CCV-} in the past-infinitive. The present can have various shapes. The following subtypes can be distinguished. Corresponding to a past-infinitive stem {C(C)V-}, the present has the consonant followed by some vowel and [j]: dßnm ‘howl’, dßkb, dßkf, dj´/, dj´tim (also rhßnm ‘cover’, yßnm ‘moan’, hßnm ‘dig’, vßnm ‘wash’). Similar, except for differences in vocalism, are g†nm (gj÷) ‘sing’, lénm (lé/) ‘blow’, pyƒnm (pyƒ/) ‘know’, uh†nm (uh†/) ‘warm’, gjx∫nm (gjx∫/) ‘rest’, j,énm (j,é/) ‘shoe’,

,h∫nm (,h†/) ‘shave’. Stress in the past falls on the root vowel consistently: g†kf, g†kb. A second type uses an augment [v] in the present instead of [j]: ;∫nm, ;bdé ‘live’; ckßnm, cksdé ‘be reputed’; gkßnm, gksdé ‘swim’. Stress in the past is mobile: ;bkƒ, ;∫kb. Another subtype has the augment [j] added to the present tense but with no root vowel, or {CJ-|e|}. Stress in the present is thematic by default. The past has mobile stress: g∫nm ‘drink’, gm÷, gm=im, gbkƒ, g∫kb (also d∫nm ‘wind’, k∫nm ‘pour’), with the exception of ,∫nm ‘beat’ and i∫nm ‘sew’, whose past tenses are not mobile: ,m÷, ,m=im, ,∫kf, ,∫kb.

12 Strom 1988, SRIa 1.144.

108A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.7(a) Asuffixal e-Conjugation

	{CV- : CVJ-|e|}	{CV- : CVJ-|e|}	{CV- : CVJ-|e|}	{CV- : CJ-|e|}
	{F : T}	{F : T}	{M : T}	{M : T}
inf	rhßnm	g†nm	;∫nm	g∫nm
prs 1sg	rhj´/	gj÷	;bdé	gm÷
prs 2sg	rhj´tim	gj=im	;bd=im	gm=im
prs 3sg	rhj´tn	gj=n	;bd=n	gm=n
prs 1pl	rhj´tv	gj=v	;bd=v	gm=v
prs 2pl	rhj´tnt	gj=nt	;bd=nt	gm=nt
prs 3pl	rhj´/n	gj÷n	;bdén	gm÷n
prs pcl	rhj´/obq	gj÷obq	;bdéobq	gm÷obq
prs dee	rhj´z	---	[? ;bdz´]	---
imv 2sg	rhj´q	gj´q	;bd∫	g†q
imv 2pl	rhj´qnt	gj´qnt	;bd∫nt	g†qnt
pst msc	rhßk	g†k	;∫k	g∫k
pst fem	rhßkf	g†kf	;bkƒ	gbkƒ
pst nt	rhßkj	g†kj	;∫kj	g∫kj
pst pl	rhßkb	g†kb	;∫kb	g∫kb
pst pcl	rhßdibq	g†dibq	;∫dibq	g∫dibq
pst dee	(pf)rhßd	(c)g†d	(ghj);∫d	(ghj)g∫d
psv	(pf)rhßn	(c)g†n	(ghj);∫n	(ghj´)gbn
	‘cover’	‘sing’	‘live’	‘drink’

Superficially similar are verbs which have the augment [n] in the present. There are two variants. In one, the nasal (originally an infix added to the present tense) appears after the root-final vowel and the present-tense thematic vowel is added to a fully syllabic root in {CVN-}; such are l†nm ‘put’, l†ye, l†ytim; cnƒnm ‘become’, cnƒye, cnƒytim. Stress is fixed on the root in the present and the past: l†nm, l†k, l†kf, l†kb; cnƒnm, cnƒk, cnƒkf, cnƒkb. In the other variant the nasal consonant appears in place of the vowel of the past-infinitive (reflecting the historical alternation of VN in position before vowels with a nasal vowel in position before consonants): ;ƒnm ‘reap’, ;yé, ;y=im; ;ƒnm ‘squeeze’, ;vé, ;v=im; (yf)xƒnm ‘begin’, (yf)xyé, (yf)xy=im; (jn)yz´nm ‘grasp, take’, (jn)ybvé, (jn)y∫vtim (substandard variant, (jn)své, (jn)ßvtim). Stress in the present is thematic, except -yz´nm. Stress in the past is either root (;ƒnm, ;ƒk, ;ƒkf, ;ƒkb, ;ƒkj) or mobile, even going onto the prefix (yfxƒnm, yƒxfk, yfxfkƒ, yƒxfkb). All of the verbs in these groups that have mobile stress in the past have fixed end stress in the reflexive counterparts of the verbs: yfxƒkcz (older yfxfkcz´), yfxfk∫cm, yfxfkj´cm, yfxfkƒcm.

Rather different are: rjkj´nm ‘prick’, rjk÷, rj´ktim; vjkj´nm ‘grind’, vtk÷, v†ktim; ,jhj´nmcz ‘fight with’, ,jh÷cm, ,j´htimcz; gjhj´nm ‘lash’, gjh÷, gj´htim.

				Inf lectional morphology 109
Table 3.7(b) Asuffixal e-Conjugation
	{CV- : CVN-}	{CV- : CVN-}	{CVRV- : CVR-|e|}	{CVR(V)- : CVR-|e|}
	{R : R}	{R : T}	{R : A}	{M : T}
inf	l†nm	;ƒnm	rjkj´nm	nth†nm
prs 1sg	l†ye	;vé	rjk÷	nhé
prs 2sg	l†ytim	;v=im	rj´ktim	nh=im
prs 3sg	l†ytn	;v=n	rj´ktn	nh=n
prs 1pl	l†ytv	;v=v	rj´ktv	nh=v
prs 2pl	l†ytnt	;v=nt	rj´ktnt	nh=nt
prs 3pl	l†yen	;vén	rj´k/n	nhén
prs pcl	---	;véobq	rj´k/obq	nhéobq
prs dee	---	[? ;vz´]	rjkz´	---
imv 2sg	l†ym	;v∫	rjk∫	nh∫
imv 2pl	l†ymnt	;v∫nt	rjk∫nt	nh∫nt
pst msc	l†k	;ƒk	rjkj´k	n=h
pst fem	l†kf	;ƒkf	rjkj´kf	nthkƒ
pst nt	l†kj	;ƒkj	rjkj´kj	n=hkj
pst pl	l†kb	;ƒkb	rjkj´kb	n=hkb
pst pcl	l†dibq	;ƒdibq	(e)rjkj´dibq	(e)n=hibq
pst dee	(hfp)l†d	(gj);ƒd	(e)rjkj´d	(e)nth†d (e)n=hib
psv	(hfp)l†n	(gj);ƒn	(e)rj´kjn	(e)n=hn
	‘place’	‘squeeze’	‘prick’	‘rub’

Stress is antethematic in the present, when the consonant adopts Cj grade even in the first-person singular. In the past-infinitive, stress is fixed on the second root syllable: rjkj´k, rjkj´kf, rjkj´kb. The two transitives rjkj´nm and vjkj´nm have retracted stress in passive participles: erj´kjn, erj´kjnf, erj´kjnj, erj´kjnsq. Vth†nm ‘die’, gth†nm ‘close’, nth†nm ‘wipe’ have a non-syllabic present stem (implying thematic stress by default): vhé, vh=im. Unusually for Russian conjugations, the past stem differs from the infinitive stem: gth†nm, g=h, gthkƒ, g=hkb, g=hkj; vth†nm, v=h, vthkƒ, v=hkb, v=hkj.

Throughout these asuffixal verbs, the passive participle is generally marked by {-t-}. If the verb otherwise has root stress in the past, it has root stress in the passive participle: hfpl†nm ‘deck out’, hfpl†k, hfpl†kf, hfpl†n, hfpl†nf, hfpl†nj, hfpl†nsq; yf;ƒnm ‘squeeze’, yf;ƒk, yf;ƒkf, yf;ƒn, yf;ƒnf, yf;ƒnj, yf;ƒnsq; hfcnth†nm ‘wipe away’ (hfcn=h, hfcn=hkf), hfcn=hn, hfcn=hnf, hfcn=hnj, hfcn=hnsq; c,h∫nm ‘shave off ’ (c,h∫k, c,h∫kf), c,h∫n, c,h∫nf, c,h∫nj, c,h∫nsq; jng†nm ‘read the service over’ (jng†k, jng†kf), jng†n, jng†nf, jng†nj, jng†nsq; e,∫nm ‘kill’ (e,∫k, e,∫kf), e,∫n, e,∫nf, e,∫nj, e,∫nsq.

For those asuffixal verbs that take {-t-}, mobile stress in the past once implied mobile stress in the participle: yfxƒnm ‘begin’ (yƒxfk, yfxfkƒ, yƒxfkj)

110A Reference Grammar of Russian

Table 3.8 Consonant-stem e-Conjugation

	{CVC- :	{CVC- :	{CVC- :	{CVC- :	{CVC- :
	CVC-|e|}	CVC-|e|}	CC-|e|}	CVC-|e|}	CVC-|e|}
	{E : T}	{R : T}	{E : T}	{R : R}	{E : T}
inf	ytcn∫	rhƒcnm	g†xm	k†pnm	,th†xmcz
prs 1sg	ytcé	rhflé	gtré	k†pe	,thtuécm
prs 2sg	ytc=im	rhfl=im	gtx=im	k†ptim	,tht;=imcz
prs 3sg	ytc=n	rhfl=n	gtx=n	k†ptn	,tht;=ncz
prs 1pl	ytc=v	rhfl=v	gtx=v	k†ptv	,tht;=vcz
prs 2pl	ytc=nt	rhfl=nt	gtx=nt	k†ptnt	,tht;=ntcz
prs 3pl	ytcén	rhflén	gtrén	k†pen	,thtuéncz
prs pcl	ytcéobq	rhfléobq	gtréobq	k†peobq	,thtuéobqcz
prs dee	ytcz´	rhfl∫	---	k†pz	---
imv 2sg	ytc∫	rhfl∫	gtr∫	k†pm	,thtu∫cm
imv 2pl	ytc∫nt	rhfl∫nt	gtr∫nt	k†pmnt	,thtu∫ntcm
pst msc	y=c	rhƒk	g=r	k†p	,th=ucz
pst fem	ytckƒ	rhƒkf	gtrkƒ	k†pkf	,thtukƒcm
pst nt	ytckj´	rhƒkj	gtrkj´	k†pkj	,thtukj´cm
pst pl	ytck∫	rhƒkb	gtrk∫	k†pkb	,thtuk∫cm
pst pcl	y=cibq	rhƒlibq	g=ribq	k†pibq	,th=uibqcz
pst dee	(e)ytcz´	(e)rhƒdib	(bp)g=rib	(pf)k†pib	(e),th=uibcm
psv	(e)ytc=y	(e)rhƒlty	(bp)gtx=y	(yf)k†pty	---
	‘carry’	‘steal’	‘bake’	‘crawl’	‘protect’

yƒxfn, yfxfnƒ, yƒxfnj, yƒxfnsq; ghjrkz´cnm ‘curse’ (ghj´rkzk, ghjrkzkƒ, ghj´rkzkj), ghj´rkzn, ghjrkznƒ, ghj´rkznj, ghj´rkznsq; hfcg∫nm ‘drink a shared bottle’ (hfcg∫k, hfcgbkƒ, hfcg∫kj), hfcg∫n, hfcgbnƒ, hfcg∫nj, hfcg∫nsq; jn;∫nm ‘outlive one’s time’ (jn;∫k, jn;bkƒ, jn;∫kj), jn;∫n, jn;bnƒ, jn;∫nj, jn;∫nsq. These citations illustrate the point that, historically, mobile stress once meant that the stress retracted onto the prefix when it was not on the end (in the feminine). Stress on the prefix has been fading (manuals must be consulted for details), but it is still preserved in frequent verbs like yfxƒnm.13

Among asuffixal verbs, the largest and most homogeneous group are obstruent stems -- verbs like ytcn∫ whose stem ends in an obstruent in both subsystems.

13To illustrate the nature of this variation using derivatives of gth†nm. The old pattern -- complete mobility in the past and the passive participle -- is preserved with pfgth†nm: pƒgth, pfgthkƒ, pƒgthkj, pƒgthn, pfgthnƒ, pƒgthnj, pƒgthnsq. In the middle, jgth†nm has eliminated prefixal stress, and has even begun to allow the feminine stress on the root: jg=h, jgthkƒ jg=hkf, jg=hkj; jg=hn, jgthnƒ jg=hnf, jg=hnj, jg=hnsq. Even further, gthtgth†nm has gone over to stem stress in both past and participle: gthtg=h, gthtg=hkf, gthtg=hkj; gthtg=hnf, gthtg=hnf, gthtg=hkj, gthtg=hnsq.

Inf lectional morphology 111

In the present, the thematic ligature |e| is added directly to a stem of the shape {CVC-<prs>}. The final consonant is C0 in the first singular and third plural (ytcé, ytcén; gtré, gtrén) and Ci in the middle forms (ytc=im; gtx=im). The stem of the past tense also ends (or could end) in an obstruent, and that fact occasions some collision between the final consonant of the stem and the consonants of the past tense and the infinitive. The collision is resolved in different ways. (a) Verbs whose present stem ends in a D E N T A L S T O P lose the stop throughout the past, and have an infinitive in -cn∫: dtcn∫ ‘lead’ (dtlé, dtl=im, d=k, dtkƒ); vtcn∫ ‘sweep’ (vtné, vtn=im, v=k, vtkƒ); gktcn∫ ‘weave’ (gktné, gktn=im, gk=k, gktkƒ); uytcn∫ ‘oppress’ (uytné, [no past]); ,htcn∫ ‘wander’ (,htlé, ,htl=im, ,h=k, ,htkƒ); ,k/cn∫ ‘watch’ (,k/lé, ,k/l=im, ,k÷k, ,k/kƒ); uhzcn∫ ‘come’ (3sg uhzl=n, [no past]).

(b) Verbs whose present stem ends in a L A B I A L S T O P keep the stop and lose the {-l-} in the masculine singular past, and have an infinitive in -cn∫: crhtcn∫ ‘scrape’ (crht,é, crht,=im, crh=,, crht,kƒ); uhtcn∫ ‘row’ (uht,é, uht,=im, uh=,, uht,kƒ).

(c) Verbs ending in a V E L A R S T O P keep that consonant and lose the msc sg {-l-} of the past, and have an infinitive in --xm: dk†xm ‘draw’ (dktré, dktx=im, dk=r, dktrkƒ); n†xm ‘flow’ (ntré, ntx=im, n=r, ntrkƒ); (yf)h†xm ‘speak’ (-htré, -htx=im, -h=r, -htrkƒ); ghtyt,h†xm ‘ignore’ (ghtyt,htué, ghtyt,ht;=im, ghtyt,h=u, ghtyt,htukƒ); ,th†xm ‘take care of’ (,thtué, ,tht;=im, ,th=u, ,thtukƒ); cnth†xm ‘guard’ (cnthtué, cntht;=im, cnth=u, cnthtukƒ); njkj´xm ‘pound’ (njkré, njkx=im, njkj´r, njkrkƒ); (pf)ghz´xm ‘harness’ (pfghzué, pfghz;=im, pfghz´u, pfghzukƒ). (d) Verbs ending in a

D E N T A L F R I C A T I V E keep that consonant and lose the msc sg {-l-} of the past, and have an infinitive -n∫ added to the fricative (a voiced fricative letter is kept in spelling): dtpn∫ ‘convey’ (dtpé, dtp=im, d=p, dtpkƒ); gjkpn∫ ‘crawl’ (gjkpé, gjkp=im, gj´kp, gjkpkƒ); nhzcn∫ ‘shake’ (nhzcé, nhzc=im, nhz´c, nhzckƒ); gfcn∫ ‘tend’ (gfcé, gfc=im, gƒc, gfckƒ). Hfcn∫ ‘grow’ (hfcné, hfcn=im, hj´c, hjckƒ) combines the loss of the dental stop and the loss of msc sg {-l-}. Exceptional vowel alternations reflecting old nasal infixes occur in k†xm ‘lie’ (kz´ue, kz´;tim, k=u, ktukƒ); c†cnm

‘sit’ (cz´le, cz´ltim, c†k, c†kf). (Ghj-)xtcnm ‘read’ (ghjxné, ghjxn=im, ghjx=k, ghjxkƒ) and ;†xm ‘burn’ (;ué, ;;=im, ;=u, ;ukƒ) have null grade and stress on endings in both the present and the past.

In stress, the predominant pattern is {E : T}, or thematic stress in the present, end stress in the past (though not in the masculine singular). End stress in the past also implies the unusual end stress in the infinitive as well (ytcn∫), except in velar stems. Root or mobile stress in the past precludes end stress in the infinitive.

Other stress patterns are possible, for individual verbs or small groups of verbs. Rkz´cnm ‘swear’ has {M : T}, or thematic stress in the present (rkzyé, rkzy=im) and mobile stress in the past (rkzkƒ, rkz´kb). C†cnm ‘sit’ (cz´le, c†kf), k†pnm ‘climb’ (k†pe, k†ptim, k†p, k†pkf), jnd†hpnm ‘open’ (archaic) have consistent